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.i' "<;*-. 



AN ACCOUNT 



DISCOVERIES IN THE WEST UNTIL 1519, 



VOYAGE S 



TO AND ALONG THE 



ATLANTIC COAST OF NORTH AMERICA, 



FROM 1520 TO 15 73. 



PREPAREDFOR 

" The Virginia Historical and Philosophical Society." 
BY CONWAY ROBINSON, 

Chairman of its Executive Committee, 

AND PUEH3HED BT THE SOCIETY. 



RICHMOND: 

PRINTED BT SHEPHERD AND COLIN. 

1848. 




Entered according to Act of Congress, on the sixteenth day of 
August, in the year eighteen hundred and forty-eight, by William 
Maxwell, Secretary of " The Virginia Historical and Philosophical 
Society," on behalf of the said Society, in the Clerk's Office of the 
District Court of the Eastern District of Virginia. 



3 ^ C> 



3/ 



PREFACE. 



On the 29th of December 1831, some of the citi- 
zens of Virginia formed themselves into a society by 
the name of " The Virginia Historical and Philoso- 
phical Society." The general assembly of the state, 
by an act of the 10th of March 1834,* incorporated 
the society, and by a resolution of the 6th of Febru- 
ary 1 835, directed to be presented to it, a copy of the 
large map of Virginia, and such books and papers be- 
longing to the library fund as the joint committee on 
the library might designate.! 

A leading object of the society was to collect and 
preserve books and papers, both in print and manu- 
script, relating to the history of America, and espe- 
cially of Virginia ; — to make its library a repository 
of every thing of the kind as far as practicable. It 
was also contemplated to publish from time to time, 
the most valuable of its collections, so as to dissemi- 
nate information of the matter thus acquired, and 

* Sess. Acts 1833-4, p. 253, ch. 201. j Sess. Acts 1834-5, p. 254. 



IV PREFACE. 

have the security against destruction or loss which a 
multiphcation of copies, by printing, would afford. 
Accordingly, as early as 1833, the society published, 
in a pamphlet of 85 pages, some of the manuscripts 
collected by it. 

Its operations were suspended from the 20th of 
February 1838 until the 18th of February 1847. 
Then through the efforts of a few gentlemen, promi- 
nent among whom was William Maxwell, Esquire, 
the society was re-organized. Its first annual meet- 
ing, under its new organization, was held on the 16th 
of January 1848. On this occasion an appropriate 
address was delivered by the president, William C. 
Rives, Esquire ; and a report was made by the exe- 
cutive committee. 

A part of " the plan of the committee," set forth in this 
report, "is to publish in chronological order, whatever matter 
relating to our history, it may deem worthy of publication. 
In preparing the matter for the press," the committee say. 
" a careful examination will be made, not only of Smith, 
Beverley, Stith, Burk, and other books with which a Vir- 
ginian is familiar, but of other works, hitherto not accessi- 
ble in this state. What is taken from each will be given 
in the language of the original author. It will be a lead- 
ing object to prepare the matter with such fullness, that in 
each volume published by the society, may be found all 
that is of value in the period of our history, embraced by 
it. While, at the same time, it will be attempted to make 



PREFACE. V 

the volumes less repulsive to the general reader, than col- 
lections of historical societies usually are. The plan of 
preparing the matter in the order of time, will conduce to 
this, and entitle the volumes to the name which will be 
given them of 'Annals of Virginia.' " 

Before publishing those annals, it has been thought 
best that there should be a preliminary volume giving 
an account of the discoveries in this western hemis- 
phere until the invasion of Mexico in 1519; and of 
the voyages to and along the Atlantic coast of North 
America down to 1573. The chairman of the exe- 
cutive committee, from whom this account was de- 
sired, had, otherwise, ample occupation for all his time. 
To execute in a manner satisfactory to himself, the 
important work entrusted to him and his able coadju- 
tor by the general assembly, namely, the revision of 
the general statutes of Virginia, he had found himself 
under the necessity, during its progress, of diminish- 
ing considerably his professional business. For him, 
at such a time, to compile what the committee wish- 
ed, was, to say the least, extremely inconvenient. He 
saw no way in which it could be done, except by his 
taking for it, in lieu of other relaxation, a part of 
each night for several months. In this way he has 
accomphshed the volume ; it goes from him now to 
the members of the society, prepared as well as his 
other engagements would permit. 



VI PREFACE. 



A good deal of matter not generally known, will, 
it is thought, be found in it. Nearly all the accounts 
which it contains, of voyages to Florida, and some of 
the other accounts, have been translated from "Voy- 
ages, relations et memoires originaux pour servir a 
Phistoire de la decouverte de L'Amerique, publies 
pour la premiere fois en Fran9ais, par H. Ternaux." 
From 1837 to 1841, twenty volumes were published 
in Ternaux's Collection, all of which have been exa- 
mined in the preparation of this volume, so far as 
their connection with the subject made it proper. 

Richmond, August 1848. 



* 



CONTENTS. 



BOOK I. 

OF DISCOVERIES IN THE WEST UNTIL 1519. 



CHAPTER I. 



Of the alleged discovery of America by the Northmen in the 
eleventh, by the Welch in the twelfth, and by Nicholas and An- 
tonio Zeno in the fourteenth century. 

CHAPTER II. 

Of Christopher Columbus ; his plan for reaching India by a route 
to the west ; the fate of his applications to the Court of Por- 
tugal from 1470 to 1484, and afterwards to the Court of Spain 
till 1492; a squadron then fitted out. 

CHAPTER III. 

Of the first voyage of Columbus to the west; his departure on 
the 3d of August 1492 ; discovery of land in the West Indias 
on the 12th of October in that year; and return to Spain in 
March 1493. 

CHAPTER IV. 

Of the second voyage of Columbus ; discovery of other isles in 
1493 and 1494 ; settlement at La Navidad destroyed and City 
of Isabella built. 



VIU CONTENTS. 

CHAPTER V. 

Of the application of Columbus, through his brother Bartholo- 
mew, to Henry the Seventh of England; the arrival of Bartho- 
lomew at Hispaniola; and the meeting there of the two bro- 
thers in 1494. 

CHAPTER VI. 

Of the departure, in the absence of Columbus, of some of the 
malcontents for Spain ; state of hostilities; bold exploit of 
Alonzo de Ojeda; Indian prisoners sent to Spain to be sold as 
slaves; the interposition of Isabella for them; and the suffer- 
ings of the natives notwithstanding. 

CHAPTER VII. 

Of the arrival at Hispaniola of Juan Aguado as commissioner in 
1495; the return of Columbus and Aguado to Spain in 1496; 
the favourable reception of Columbus by the sovereigns; and 
their promise to him of another armament. 

CHAPTER VIII. 

Of the discovery of North America by Sebastian Cabot. Expla- 
nation of the diflference between the legal year as used in Eng- 
land before 1752, and the year as generally used in historical 
chronology. Under a license which issued in February of the 
legal year 1497, Cabot having discovered North America in 
June following, that June shewn to be in 1498, and the disco- 
very therefore not in 1497 but in 1498. 

CHAPTER IX. 

Of the discovery of the continent of South America by Colum- 
bus in 1498; and the treatment which he experienced after- 
wards. 

CHAPTER X. 

Of the voyage of Americus Vespucius with Alonzo de Ojeda, and 
of other voyages from Spain along the coast of South America 
in 1499 and 1500. 



CONTENTS. IX, 

CHAPTER XL 

Of the accidental discovery of Brazil by the Portuguese in 1500 ; 
the voyage of Americus Vespucius, under the King of Portu- 
gal, to that province in 1501 ; the voyage of Cortereal in the 
same year to the northwest; and the patents obtained from 
Henry the Seventh of England in 1501 and 1502, by Portu- 

. guese, to enable them to make discoveries. 

CHAPTER XH. 

Of the fleet and orders sent out with Ovando to Hispaniola in 
1502 ; the voyage made the same year to the northern coast of 
South America by Alonzo de Ojeda; the last voyage of Co- 
lumbus; and his wearisome detention at Jamaica. 

CHAPTER Xm. 

Of the voyage of Americus Vespucius to Brazil in 1503; and the 
name of America given to this part of the world. 

CHAPTER XIV. 

Of the return of Columbus from the West Indias to Spain in 
1504, and his death in 1506 ; observations on his character. 

CHAPTER XV. 

Of the little port of Palos, where Columbus fitted out his ships; 
a pilgrimage to it by an American. 

CHAPTER XVI. 

Of Americus Vespucius from 1505 to 1508; his appointment 
then as chief pilot of Spain; and the expeditions of Vicente 
Yanez Pinzon and Juan Diaz de Solis in 1506 and 1508. 

CHAPTER XVII. 

Of the subjugation of Hispaniola, and its government under Diego 
Columbus; also of the subjugation of Porto Rico in 1509, 
while Juan Ponce de Leon was commander in that island. 



X CONTENTS. 

CHAPTER XVIII. 

Of the subjugation of Jamaica in 1509, and the armaments in the 
same year to found colonies along the isthmus of Darien ; the 
attempts of Alonzo de Ojeda to plant his colony ; his conflicts 
with the Indians; and the formula read to them as an excuse 
for killing them. 

CHAPTER XIX. 

Of the voyage of Alonzo de Ojeda in 1509 from the isthmus of 
Darien for Hispaniola; his landing in Cuba, and his hardships 
there on his journey by land ; the little oratory which he built ; 
his course then by Jamaica to San Domingo, and his death 
there. 

CHAPTER XX. 

Of the proceedings of Diego de Nicuesa, the Bachelor Martin 
Fernandez de Enciso, Vasco Nunez de Balboa and Francisco 
Pizarro in 1509, 1510 and 1511 ; the settlement of the three last 
at Darien ; the conduct of the people of Darien to Nicuesa ; 
his hardships and death. 

CHAPTER XXI. 

Of the return of the Bachelor Enciso to Spain in 1511 ; the at- 
tack of Vasco Nunez upon Careta, the cacique of Coyba ; the 
peace made between them by Vasco Nunez taking as a wife a 
young and beautiful daughter of Careta; his friendly visit to 
Comagre; the skill and solidity of the architecture of Coma- 
gre's village; and the information received from the son of Co- 
magre, of a great sea and opulent country beyond the moun- 
tains. 

CHAPTER XXII. 

Of the death of Americus Vespucius in 1512, and the appoint- 
ment of Sebastian Cabot as his successor ; Bartholomew Co- 
lumbus sent this year from Spain with instructions to his ne- 
phew the admiral. 



CONTENTS. XI 

CHAPTER XXIII. 

Of the discovery of Florida in 1512 by Juan Ponce de Leon. 

CHAPTER XXIV. 

Of several expeditions of Vasco Nunez in 1512; the conspiracy 
this year by the natives and the defeat of their plan ; the ab- 
sence of news from Valdivia who had been sent on a mission to 
Hispaniola ; the stranding of Valdivia and his crew on the coast 
of Yucatan ; the sending of commissioners from Darien to 
Spain; and the arrival at Darien of ships from Hispaniola with 
supplies. 

CHAPTER XXV. 

Of the journey by Vasco Nunez across the isthmus of Darien, 
and his discovery of the Pacific ocean on the 26th of Septem- 
ber 1513. 

CHAPTER XXVI. 

Of the voyage of Vasco Nuiiez along the coast of the Pacific; 
the intimation received by him of the great empire of Peru ; 
and his return to Darien on the 19th of January 1514. 

CHAPTER XXVII. 

Of the appointment of Don Pedro Arias Davila, commonly called 
Pedrarias, in 1514, as governor of Darien ; the prosperous state 
of the colony under the management of Nunez when Pedrarias 
arrived ; the conduct of Pedrarias to Nuraez ; the sickness of 
the colony soon after the arrival of Pedrarias; his unsuccess- 
ful expeditions ; and the despatches from Spain in favour of 
Nuiiez. 

CHAPTER XXVIII. 

Of several expeditions in 1515 under Pedrarias, one of which 
was to the Pacific; also of the discovery of the Rio de la 
Plata. 



Xll CONTENTS. 

CHAPTER XXIX. 

Of Juan Ponce de Leon; his voyage to Guadaloupe in 1515, the 
visit this year of Diego Columbus to Spain, and the death of 
Bartholomew Columbus; also of Sebastian Cabot, from 1515 
to 1518. 

CHAPTER XXX. 

Of the reconciliation between Pedrarias and Vasco Nunez; a 
marriage agreed upon between Nunez and the eldest daughter 
of Pedrarias, to take place on her arrival from Spain ; autho- 
rity to Nunez in 1516 to make an expedition to explore the 
Southern Ocean ; his proceedings; the perfidy of Andres Ga- 
rabito; the hypocrisy of Pedrarias, and his arrest of Nunez. 

CHAPTER XXXI. 

Of the trial and execution in 1517 of Vasco Nunez de Balboa, 
the discoverer of the Pacific Ocean. 

CHAPTER XXXII. 

Of the voyage of Juan de Ampies to Coriana in 1517; and the 
building of the town of Coro; also of Oviedo, the celebrated 
historian. 

CHAPTER XXXIII. 

Of the discovery of Yucatan by Francisco Hernandez de Cordova 
in 1517; the voyage thither of Juan de Grijalva in 1518; the 
rescue there in 1519 by Hernando Cortez of Jeronimo de 
Aguilar one of the companions of Valdivia, whose vessel was 
stranded on that coast several years before; and the famous 
voyage of Magellan. 



CONTENTS. Xm 



BOOK II. 

VOYAGES TO AND ALONG THE ATLANTIC COAST OF 
NORTH AMERICA, FROM 1520 TO 1573. 



CHAPTER L 

Of the voyages of Luke Vasquez d'Aylon to Florida in 1520 and 
1524 ; and that of Juan Ponce de Leon in 1521. 

CHAPTER H. 

Of the project of Cortez in 1524, for examining the coast of the 
Atlantic as well as the Pacific. 

CHAPTER in. 

Of the voyage of John de Verazzano in 1524, along the coast of 
North America, from Carolina to Newfoundland. 

CHAPTER IV. 

Of the voyage of Stephen Gomez to the northwest in 1525. 

CHAPTER V. 
Of the voyage made by Sebastian Cabot in 1526. 

CHAPTER VI. 
Of a voyage from England to the northwest in 1527. 

CHAPTER VII. 

Of the expedition of Pamphilo de Narvaez to Florida in 1527; 
and Cabeca de Vaca's long and perilous journey on foot to 
Mexico. 



XIV CONTENTS. 

CHAPTER VIII. 
Of the period from 1527 to 1534. 

CHAPTER IX. 
Of the voyage of Jacques Carthier to Newfoundland in 1534. 

CHAPTER X. 

Of the second voyage of Jacques Carthier, wherein he explored 
the St. Lawrence, in 1535. 

CHAPTER XI. 

Of a voyage of Mr. Hore and others, from England to the north- 
west in 1536. 

CHAPTER XII. 

Of the expedition of Ferdinand de Soto to Florida in 1539 ; and 
his march thence to the Mississippi; his death in 1541; and 
the subsequent progress of his troops. 

CHAPTER XIII. 

Of the voyage of Jacques Carthier to Canada in 1540. 

CHAPTER XIV. 

Of the voyage of Sir John Francis de la Roche, Lord of Rober- 
val, to Canada in 1542. 

CHAPTER XV. 

Of the voyage of Gregorio de Beteta on the Florida coast in 
1549 ; and of Sebastian Cabot from his return to England in 
1548, until his death in 1557. 

CHAPTER XVI. 

Of an examination of the coast of Florida in 1558, wherein was 
seen a bay, described as "the largest and most commodious 
bay of all on these shores," which was named then Philipina, 



CONTENTS. XV 

and afterwards Santa Maria Philipina; also of an expedition 
in 1559, to the port of Y'Chuse, in thirty degrees twenty mi- 
nutes, about twenty leagues south of the bay of Santa Maria; 
and of a reconnoissance in 1561, to about thirty-five degrees. 

CHAPTER XVII. 

Of the dissensions existing in France in 1562 ; and the voyage 
thence to Florida this year under captain John Ribault. 

CHAPTER XVIII. 

Of the Huguenots in France from 1562 to 1564 ; and the voyage 
of M, Rene Laudonniere in 1564 from that country to Florida. 

CHAPTER XIX. 

Of Sir John Hawkins; his voyages from London to Africa to 
take negroes and sell them ; his visit to Laudonniere in Florida 
in 1565 ; and his going home by Newfoundland. 

CHAPTER XX. 

Of the voyage of Ribault from France to Florida in 1565 ; and 
the massacre there of the French by the Spaniards under Me- 
nendez. 

CHAPTER XXI. 

Of the Chevalier de Gourgue ; his chivalrous enterprise ; the man- 
ner in which the massacre of the French in Florida by the 
Spaniards in 1565 was avenged by him at the same place in 
1568. 

CHAPTER XXIL 

Communication from Robert Greenhow, Esq., stating that the 
Spaniards in 1566, had knowledge of, and in 1573 visited a bay 
called Santa Maria, in the latitude of thirty-seven degrees; and 
suggesting that this bay must have been the Chesapeake. 



II 



BOOK I. 

OF DISCOVERIES IN THE WEST UNTIL 1519. 



CHAPTER I. 

Of the alleged discovery of America by the Northmen in the eleventh, 
by the Welch in the twelfth, and by Nicholas and Antonio Zeno in 
the fourteenth century. 

Many elaborate dissertations have been written to 
prove that discoveries were made on the northern 
coast of America before the era of Columbus. The 
following is extracted from the second chapter of 
Mr. Wheaton's History of the Northmen :* 

" There was formerly, say the ancient Sagas, a man 
named Herjolf, who was descended from Ingolf, the first 
settler of Iceland. This man navigated from one country 
to another with his son Bjarne. and generally spent the 
winters in Norway. It happened once on a time that they 
were separated from each other, and Bjarne sought his fa- 
ther in Norway, but not finding him there, he learnt that he 
was gone to the newly discovered country of Greenland. 



♦ "History of the Northmen or Danes rary member of the Scandinavian and Ice- 

and Normans from the earliest times to landic literary societies at Copenhagen," 

the conquest of England by William of published at Philadelphia in 1831. 
Normandy. By Henry Wheaton, hono- 



2 VOYAGES IN ELEVENTH CENTURY. [book i. 

Bjarne resolved to seek and find out his father, wherever 
he might be, and for this purpose set sail for Greenland 
(1001), directing himself by the observation of the stars, 
and by what others had told him of the situation of the 
land. The three first days he was carried to the west, but 
afterwards, the wind changing, blew with violence from 
the north, and drove him southwardly for several days. 
He at last descried a flat country, covered with wood, the 
appearance of which was so different from that of Green- 
land, as it had been described to him, that he would not go 
on shore, but made sail to the northwest. In this course, 
he saw an island at a distance, but continued his voyage, 
and arrived safely in Greenland, where he found his father 
established at the promontory, afterwards called Herjolfs- 
nces, directly opposite to the southwest point of Iceland. 

"(1002.) In the following summer, Bjarne made another 
voyage to Norway, where he was hospitably received by 
Erik, a distinguished Jarl of that country. The Jarl, to 
whom he related his adventures, reproached him for not 
having explored the new land towards which he had been 
accidentally driven. Bjarne having returned to his father 
in Greenland, there was much talk among the settlers of 
pursuing his discovery. The restless, adventurous spirit of 
Leif, son of Erik the Red, was excited to emulate the fame 
his father had acquired by the discovery of Greenland. He 
purchased Bjarne's ship, and manned it with thirty-five 
men. Leif then requested his father to become the com- 
mander of the enterprize. Erik at first declined, on ac- 
count of the increasing infirmities of his old age, which 
rendered him less able to bear the fatigues of a sea-faring 
life. He was at last persuaded by his son to embark, but 
as he was going down to the vessel on horseback, his horse 
stumbled, which Erik received as an evil omen for his un- 
dertaking :—' I do not believe,' said he, 'that it is given to 
me to discover any more lands, and here will I abide.' Erik 



CHAP. I.] VOYAGES IN ELEVENTH CENTURY. 3 

returned back to his house, and Lief set sail with his thirty- 
five companions, among whom was one of his father's ser- 
vants, a native of the South-countries, named Tyrker (Die- 
terich-Dirk), probably a German. 

" They first discovered what they supposed to be one of 
the countries seen by Bjarne, the coast of which was a flat, 
stony land, and the back ground crowned with lofty moun- 
tains, covered with ice and snow. This they named Hel- 
luland, or the flat country. Pursuing their voyage farther 
south, they soon came to another coast, also flat, covered 
with thick wood, and the shores of white sand, gradually 
sloping towards the sea. Here they cast anchor and went 
on shore. They named the country Mark-land, or the coun- 
try of the wood, and pursued their voyage with a north- 
east wind for two days and nights, when they discovered a 
third land, the northern coast of which was sheltered by an 
island. Here they again landed, and found a country, not 
mountainous, but undulating and woody, and abounding 
with fruits and berries, delicious to the taste. From thence 
they re-embarked, and made sail to the west to seek a har- 
bour, which they at last found at the mouth of a river, 
where they were swept by the tide into the lake from whicli 
the river issued. They cast anchor, and pitched their tents 
at this spot, and found the river and lake full of the largest 
salmon they had ever seen. Finding the climate very tem- 
perate, and the soil fruitful in pasturage, they determined to 
build huts and pass the winter here. The days were nearer 
of an equal length than in Greenland or Iceland, and when 
they were at the shortest, the sun rose at half past seven, 
and set at half past four o'clock.* 

" It happened one day soon after their arrival, that Tyr- 
ker, the German, was missing, and as Leif set a great value 
upon the youth, on account of his skill in various arts, he 



* Supposing this compntalion to be cor- Boston, the present capital of New Eng- 
rect, it must have been in the latitude of land. 



4 VOYAGES IN ELEVENTH CENTURV. [book i. 

sent his followers in search of him in every direction. 
When they at last found him, he began to speak to them 
in the Teutonic language, with many extravagant signs of 
joy. They at last made out to understand from him in the 
North tongue, that he had found in the vicinity vines bear- 
ing wild grapes. He led them to the spot, and they brought 
to their chief a quantity of the grapes which they had ga- 
thered. At first Leif doubted whether they were really 
that fruit, but the German assured him he was well ac- 
quainted with it, being a native of the southern wine coun- 
tries. Leif, thereupon, named the country Yinland. 

"In the spring following, Leif returned to Greenland. 
In the winter died his father, Erik the Red, and his brother 
Thorwald, not being satisfied with the discoveries made by 
Leif, obtained from him his ship, and engaged thirty com- 
panions to embark with him on a new voyage of discovery. 
On his arrival in Vinland, he passed the winter in the huts 
constructed by Leif, and subsisted by fishing. In the spring, 
he took with him a part of his ship's company in a large 
boat, and explored the coast to the westward, which he 
found a pleasant country, well wooded, the shores consist- 
ing of banks of white sand, and a chain of islands running 
along the coast, separated from each other by shallow in- 
lets, but no trace of wild beasts or of human inhabitants, 
except a corn-shed of wood. After spending the summer 
in this excursion, they returned to their winter quarters. In 
the following summer, Thorwald sailed in his ship to exa- 
mine the east and north, but was cast on shore by a storm, 
and the whole season was lost in repairing the vessel. Here 
he erected the keel of his ship, which was no longer fit for 
service, on a head-land, which he called, from that circum- 
stance, Kijalar-nes. He then pursued his voyage to the 
eastward, giving names to the various capes and bays which 
he discovered, until he came to a large inlet, where he cast 
anchor, attracted by the promising appearance of the coun- 



CHAP, i] VOYAGES IN ELEVENTH CENTURY. 6 

try, which rose in high lands covered with thick wood. 
Here the adventurers disembarked, and Thorwald declared 
' this is a goodly place : here will I take up my abode.' 
Shortly afterward, the adventurers descried on the shore 
three small batteaux made of hides, under each of which 
was a band of three natives. These they took prisoners, 
except one, who made his escape to the mountains, and in- 
humanly put them to death the same day. A little while 
after, their wanton cruelty was avenged by the natives, who 
approached in a multitude of batteaux, and took the com- 
panions of Thorwald by surprise, as they were imprudently 
sleeping, contrary to his admonitions. Thorwald gave them 
the alarm, and ordered them to shield themselves against 
the arrows of the natives by wooden balks set up against 
the sides of the vessel. Not one of his companions was 
wounded, and the natives took to flight, after discharging a 
shower of arrows at the Northmen. But Thorwald him- 
self received a mortal wound, and at his own request was 
buried at the point of the promontory, where he meant to 
have settled, and a cross erected at his head and another at 
his feet. The cape was named, from this circumstance, 
Krossa-nes. The colony of Greenland had been before this 
time converted to Christianity, but Erik the Red, Thor- 
wald's father, died a heathen. The survivors of Thorwald 
passed the winter in Vinland, and in the spring returned to 
Greenland with the news of their discoveries, and of the 
melancholy fate of Thorwald. 

"The native inhabitants found by the Northmen in Vin- 
land, resembled those on the western coast of Greenland. 
These Esquimaux were called by them Skroelingar, or 
dwarfs, from their diminutive and squalid appearance, in the 
same manner as their Gothic ancestors had given a similar 
appellation to the Finns and Laplanders. They found these 
aborigines deficient in manly courage and bodily strength. 



6 VOYAGES IN ELEVENTH CENTURY. [BOOK I. 

" Erik left another son, named Thorstein, who, having 
learnt the death of his brother Thorwald, embarked for Vin- 
land with twenty-five companions and his wife Gudrida, 
principally for the purpose of bringing home the body of 
his deceased brother. He encountered on his passage con- 
trary winds, and after beating about for some time, was at 
last driven back to a part of the coast of Greenland, far re- 
mote from that where the Northmen colony was established. 
Here he was compelled to pass the winter, enduring all the 
hardships of that rigorous season in a high northern lati- 
tude, to which was added tlie misfortune of a contagious 
disease which broke out amongst the adventurers. Thors- 
tein and the greater part of his companions perished, and 
Gudrida returned home with his body. 

'•' In the following summer, there came to Greenland from 
Norway, a man of illustrious birth and great wealth, named 
Thorfin, who became enamoured of Thorstein's widow 
Gudrida, and demanded her in marriage of Leif, who had 
succeeded to the patriarchal authority of his father, Erik 
the Red. The chieftain determined to effect a settlement 
in Vinland, and for that purpose formed an association of 
sixty followers, with whom he agreed to share equally the 
profits of the enterprise. He took with him all kinds of 
domestic animals, tools, and provisions to form a permanent 
colony, and was accompanied by his wife Gudrida, and five 
other women. He reached the same point of the coast for- 
merly occupied by Leif, where he passed the winter. In 
the following spring, the Skrcelingar came in great multi- 
tudes to trade with the Northmen in peltries and other pro- 
ductions. Thorfin forbade his companions from selling 
them arms, which were the objects they most passionately 
desired ; and to secure himself against a surprise, he sur- 
rounded his huts with a high pallisade. One of the natives 
seized an axe, and ran off with his prize to his companions. 
He made the first experiment of his skill in using it by 



CHAP. I.] VOYAGES IN ELEVENTH CENTURY. 7 

Striking one of his compauious, who fell dead on the spot. 
The natives were seized with terror and astonishment at 
this result, and one of them, who, by his commanding air 
and manner seemed to be a chief, took the axe, and after 
examining it for some time with great attention, threw it 
indignantly into the sea. 

" After a residence of three years in Vinland, Thorfin re- 
turned to his native country with specimens of the fruits 
and peltries which he had collected. After making several 
voyages, he finished his days in Iceland, where he built a 
large mansion, and lived in a style of patriarchal hospitality, 
rivalling the principal chieftains of the country. He had a 
son named Snorre, who was born in Vinland ; and Gudrida, 
his widow, afterwards made a pilgrimage to Rome, and on 
her return to Iceland, retired to a convent, situated near a 
church which had been erected by Thorfin. 

" We dwell upon these collateral circumstances, because 
they serve to confirm the authenticity of the main narra- 
tives, by reference to facts and incidents notorious to all the 
people of Iceland. A part of Thorfin's company still re- 
mained in Vinland, and they were afterwards joined by two 
Icelandic chieftains, named Helgi and Fiombogi, who were 
brothers, and fitted out an expedition from the Greenland 
colony. They were persuaded by Freydisa, daughter of 
Erik the Red, an intriguing and deceitful woman, to per- 
mit her to accompany them, and to share in the advantages 
of the voyage. During her residence in the infant colony, 
this female fury excited violent dissensions among the set- 
tlers, which terminated in the massacre of thirty persons. 
After this tragic catastrophe, Freydisa returned to her pater- 
nal home in Greenland, where she lived and died the object 
of universal contempt and hatred.* 



*Snorre, Saga af Olafl Tryggva Syni, cap. cv~cxii. Torfaei, Hist. Vinlandia; antique, 
cap. i.— iii. 



8 VOYAGES IN ELEVENTH CENTURY. [book r. 

'' The Eyrbyggja-Saga relates, that towards the close of 
the reign of King Olaf the Saint,* Gudleif, the son of Gud- 
laug, made a trading voyage from Iceland to Dublin, and as 
he was returning along the western coast of Ireland, met 
with heavy gales from the east and north, which drove him 
far into the ocean towards the southwest. After many days, 
Gudleif and his companions saw land in that direction, and 
approaching the shore, cast anchor in a convenient harbour. 
Here the natives, who were dark coloured, approached them. 
The Icelanders did not comprehend the language, though it 
seemed to them not unlike the Irish tongue. In a short 
time, a great body of the natives assembled, made the stran- 
gers prisoners, and carried them bound into the country. 
Here they were met by a venerable chieftain, of a noble 
and commanding aspect and fair complexion, who spoke 
Icelandic, and inquired after Snorre Gode and other indivi- 
duals then living in the island. The natives were divided 
in opinion, whether to put the strangers to death, or to 
make them slaves, and divide them among the inhabitants. 
But after some consultation, the white chieftain informed 
them that they were at liberty to depart, adding his counsel 
that they should make no delay, as the natives were cruel 
to strangers. He refused to tell his name, but gave to Gud- 
leif presents, of a gold ring for Snorre's sister Thurida, and 
a sword for her son. Gudleif returned to Iceland with 
these gifts, where it was concluded that this person was 
Bjorn, a famous Skald, who had been a lover of Thurida, 
and who left Iceland in the year 998.f 

" No subsequent traces of the Norman colony in Ame- 
rica are to be found until the year 1059, when it is said 
that an Irish or Saxon priest, named Jon or John, who had 
preached for some time as a missionary in Iceland, went to 
Vinland, for the purpose of converting the colonists to Chris- 



* St. Olaf died in 1030. 

t Muller, Sagabibliolhek, torn. i. p. 193. 



CHAP. I.] VOYAGES IN ELEVENTH CENTURY. 9 

tianity, where he was murdered by the heathens. A Bishop 
of Greenland, named Erik, afterwards (1121), undertook 
the same voyage, for the same purpose, but with what suc- 
cess is uncertain.* The authenticity of the Icelandic ac- 
counts of the discovery and settlement of Vinland were re- 
cognized in Denmark shortly after this period by King 
Svend Estrithson, or Sweno II. in a conversation which 
Adam of Bremen had with this monarch. f" 

Mr. Washington Irving, in his Life of Columbus,t 
states that he has not had the means of tracing this 
story to its original sources. He mentions as the au- 
thorities examined by him, Malte-Brun and Forster, 
the latter of whom extracts it from the Saga or Chro- 
nicle of Snorre, who was born in 1179 and wrote in 
1215 ; long after the event is said to have taken place. 
Mr. Irving observes that as far as he has had expe- 
rience in tracing these stories of early discoveries of 
portions of the new world, he has generally found 
them very confident deductions drawn from very 
vague and questionable facts. But, he says, " grant- 
ing the truth of the alleged discoveries, they led to 
no more result than would the interchange of com- 
munication between the natives of Greenland and the 
Esquimaux. The knowledge of them appears not to 
have extended beyond their own nation, and to have 
been soon neglected and forgotten by themselves." 

It will be observed that in a note, (ante, p. 3,) Mr. 
Wheaton remarks that supposing the computation of 
the hours to be correct, the place referred to must 



*Munter, Kirchengesliichte von Da;ne- J New York edition of 1631, vol. 2, p. 

mark und Norwegen, torn. i. p. 562. 270 to 272, Appendix No. xiv. 

4 Adam. Brem. de Situ Dan. cap. 246. 



10 VOYAGES IN TWELFTH CENTURY. [book 1. 

have been in the latitude of Boston. Mr. Irving, on 
the other hand, speaks of the sun being eight hours 
above the horizon on the shortest day, and (refer- 
ring to Forster's Northern Voyages, b. 2, c. 2,) says, 
" hence, it has been concluded that the country was 
about the 49th degree of north latitude, and was either 
Newfoundland, or some part of the coast of North 
America about the gulf of St. Lawrence." 

There is a tradition that Prince Madoc, the son of 
Owen Gwyneth, landed upon some part of the Ame- 
rican continent in the twelfth century. The tradition 
is, that after the death of Owen, his sons debating 
who should succeed him, Madoc left the land in con- 
tention, and prepared certain ships with men and mu- 
nition, and sought adventures by sea ; that he sailed 
west, and leaving the coast of Ireland far north, came 
to a land unknown, where he saw many strange things ; 
that on his return home, he made a relation of the 
pleasant and fruitful countries he had seen without 
inhabitants, and alluded on the other hand to the wild 
and barren ground for which his brethren and nephews 
did murder one another, and prepared a number of 
ships and got with him such men and women as were 
desirous to live in quietness, and taking leave of his 
friends, made a journey thither again. The story is 
that Madoc arriving in this western country in 1170, 
left most of his people there and returning for more 
of his own nation to inhabit that country, went thither 
again with ten sails. Hackluyt, in his Collection of 
Voyages,* and Smith in his History of Virginia,! have 
mentioned this tradition. It is given by them from a 

* Vol. 3, p. 1. t Vol. 1, p. 77 of edi. of 1819. 



CHAP. I.] VOYAGES IN FOURTEENTH CENTURY. 11 

History (or the Chronicles) of Wales; and at different 
times, various publications have been made to prove 
the tradition well founded. But all that we are justi- 
fied in saying about it is, that there is such a tradition. 
Another pretension to an early discovery of the 
American continent has been set up, founded on an 
alleged map and narrative of two brothers of the name 
of Zeno of Venice ; but it seems even less valid than 
those already mentioned. The following is Mr. Ir- 
ving's statement of this claim :* 

"Nicole Zeno, a noble Venetian, is said to have made a 
voyage to the north in 1380, in a vessel fitted out at his 
own cost, intending to visit England and Flanders ; but 
meeting with a terrible tempest, was driven for many days 
he knew not whither, until he was cast away upon Frise- 
land, an island much in dispute among geographers, but 
supposed to be the archipelago of the Ferroe islands. The 
shipwrecked voyagers were assailed by the natives ; but 
rescued by Zichmni, a Prince of the islands, lying on the 
south side of Friseland, and duke of another district lying- 
over against Scotland. Zeno entered into the service of 
this prince, and aided him in conquering Friseland, and 
other northern islands. He was soon joined by his brother 
Antonio Zeno, who remained fourteen years in those coun- 
tries. 

" During his residence in Friseland, Antonio Zeno wrote 
to his brother Carlo, in Venice, giving an account of a re- 
port brought by a certain fisherman, about a land to the 
westward. According to the tale of this mariner, he had 
been one of a party who sailed from Friseland about twen- 
ty-six years before, in four fishing boats. Being overtaken 
by a mighty tempest, they were driven about the sea for 

* Irving's Columbus, vol. 2, p. 272, Appendix No. 14. 



13 VOYAGES IN FOURTEENTH CENTURY. [book i. 

many days, until the boat containing himself and six com- 
panions was cast upon an island called Estotiland, about 
one thousand miles from Friseland. They were taken by 
the inhabitants, and carried to a fair and populous city, 
where the king sent for many interpreters to converse with 
them, but none that they could understand, until a man 
was found, who had likewise been cast away upon the 
coast, and who spoke Latin. They remained several days 
upon the island, which was rich and fruitful, abounding 
with all kinds of metals, and especially gold.* There was 
a high mountain in the centre, from which flowed four ri- 
vers, which watered the whole country. The inhabitants 
were intelligent, and acquainted with the mechanical arts of 
Europe. They cultivated grain, made beer, and lived in 
houses built of stone. There were Latin books in the 
King's library, though the inhabitants had no knowledge of 
that language. They had many cities and castles, and car- 
ried on a trade with Greenland for pitch, sulphur and peltry. 
Though much given to navigation, they were ignorant of 
the use of the compass, and finding the Friselanders ac- 
quainted with it, held them in great esteem ; and the King 
sent them with twelve barks to visit a country to the south, 
called Drogeo. They had nearly perished in a storm, but 
were cast away upon the coast of Drogeo. They found 
the people to be cannibals, and were on the point of being 
killed and devoured, but were spared on account of their 
great skill in fishing. 

"The fisherman described this Drogeo as being a coun- 
try of vast extent, or rather a new world ; that the inhabi- 
tants were naked and barbarous ; but that far to the south- 
west there was a more civilized region, and temperate cli- 
mate, where the inhabitants had a knowledge of gold and 



* This account is taken from Hackluyt, ginal Italian of Ramusio, (T. 2, p. 23,) and 
vol. 3, p. 123. The passage about gold and is probably an interpolation, 
other metals is not to be found in the ori- 



CHAP. l] VOYAGES IN FOURTEENTH CENTURY. 13 

silver, lived ia cities, erected splendid temples to idols, and 
sacrificed human victims to them, which they afterwards 
devoured. 

" After the fisherman had resided many years on this con- 
tinent, during which time he had passed from the service 
of one chieftain to another, and traversed various parts of 
it, certain boats of Estotiland arrived on the coast of Dro- 
geo. The fisherman went on board of them, acted as in- 
terpreter, and followed the train between the mainland 
and Estotiland for some time, until he became very rich : 
then he fitted out a bark of his own, and with the assis- 
tance of some of the people of the island, made his way 
back, across the thousand intervening miles of ocean, and 
arrived safe at Friseland. The account he gave of these 
countries, determined Zichmni, the Prince of Friseland, to 
send an expedition thither, and Antonio Zeno was to com- 
mand it. Just before sailing, the fisherman, who was to 
have acted as guide, died; but certain mariners, who had 
accompanied him from Estotiland, were taken in his place. 
The expedition sailed under command of Zichmni; the 
Venetian, Zeno, merely accompanied it. It was unsuccess- 
ful. After having discovered an island called Icaria, where 
they met with a rough reception from the inhabitants, and 
were obliged to withdraw, the ships were driven by a storm 
to Greenland. No record remains of any further prosecu- 
tion of the enterprise. 

" The countries mentioned in the account of Zeno, were 
laid down on a map originally engraved on wood. The 
island of Estotiland, has been supposed by M. Malte-Brun 
to be Newfoundland; its partially civilized inhabitants, the 
descendants of the Scandinavian colonists of Vinland; and 
the Latin books in the King's library to be the remains of 
the library of the Greenland Bishop, who emigrated thither 
in 1121, Drogeo, according to the same conjecture, was 
Nova Scotia and New England. The civilized people to 



14 VOYAGES IN FOURTEENTH CENTURY. [book I. 

the southwest, who sacrificed human victims in rich tem- 
ples, he surmises to have been the Mexicans, or some an- 
cient nation of Florida or Louisiana. 

" The premises do not appear to warrant this deduction. 
The whole story abounds with improbabilities ; not the 
least of which is the civilization prevalent among the inhabi- 
tants ; their houses of stone, their European arts, the library 
of their King ; no traces of which were to be found on 
their subsequent discovery. Not to mention the informa- 
tion about Mexico penetrating through the numerous sa- 
vage tribes of a vast continent, it is proper to observe, that 
this account was not published until 1558, long after the dis- 
covery of Mexico. It was given to the world by Francisco 
Marcolini, a descendant of the Zeni, from the fragments of 
letters said to have been written by Antonio Zeno to Carlo 
his brother. ' It grieves me,' says the editor, ' that the 
book, and divers other writings concerning these matters, 
are miserably lost ; for being but a child when they came 
to my hands, and not knowing what they were, I tore them 
and rent them in pieces, which now I cannot call to remem- 
brance but to my exceeding great grief.'* 

"This garbled statement by Marcolini, derived conside- 
rable authority by being introduced by Abraham Ortelius, 
an able geographer, in his Theatrum Orbis ; but the whole 
story has been condemned by able commentators as a gross 
fabrication. Mr. Forster resents this, as an instance of ob- 
stinate incredulity, saying that it is impossible to doubt the 
existence of the country of which Carlo, Nicolo and Anto- 
nio Zeno talk ; as original acts in the archives of Venice 
prove that the chevalier undertook a voyage to the north ; 
that his brother Antonio followed him ; that Antonio traced 
a map, which he brought back and hung up in his house, 
where it remained subject to public examination, until the 

* Hackluyt, Colleci. vol. 3, p. 137. 



CHAP. I.] VOYAGES IN FOURTEENTH CENTURY. 15 

time of Marcolini, as an incontestable proof of the truth of 
what he advanced. Granting all this, it merely proves that 
Antonio and his brother v/ere at Friseland and Greenland. 
Their letters never assert that Zeno made the voyage to Es- 
totiland. The fleet was carried by a tempest to Greenland, 
after which we hear no more of him ; and his account of 
Estotiland and Drogeo rests simply on the tale of the fish- 
erman, after whose descriptions his map must have been 
conjecturally projected. The whole story resembles much 
the fables circulated shortly after the discovery of Colum- 
bus, to arrogate to other nations and individuals the credit 
of the achievement." 

Mr. Biddle, in his Memoir of Sebastian Cabot,* 
comments in strong terms upon "that memorable 
fraud, the pretended voyage of Nicholas and Antonio 
Zeno." Speaking of an edition of Ramusio, the de- 
dication of which as originally published by Marcolini, 
bears date December 1558, Mr. Biddle says: 

" Ramusio died in July 1557 ; and of course it is impos- 
sible that it could have been published by him, or that he 
could have marked it for insertion. It does not appear in 
the Ramusio of 1559, but was interpolated into the second 
volume in 1574, seventeen years after his death. This cir- 
cumstance is decisive against its authenticity. Ramusio, a 
native of Venice, was not only a diligent and anxious col- 
lector of voyages, but, it appears by his work, was familiar 
with the family of the Zeno of that city, and he speaks 
with pride (ed. of 1559, torn. ii. fol. 65, D. ) of the adven- 
turous travels of Caterino Zeno in Persia, Had the mate- 
rials for such a narrative existed he would have eagerly 
seized the opportunity of embodying them, and it is plain 
that the imposture dared not make its appearance in his life- 

* p. 322 to 326. 



16 VOYAGES IN FOURTEENTH CENTURY. [book I. 

time. Yet, from the subsequent interpolation, this tract, 
by ahnost unanimous consent, has been considered to bear 
the high sanction of Ramnsio's name. 

" 'This,' says Forster (p. 180), 'is the account given of 
the affair hy Ramusio.^ The Biographic Universelle (art. 
Zeno) says ' Cette Relation a ete reimprime par Ramusio.^ 
And the Quarterly Review (vol. xvi. p. 165, note^) speaks 
of certain things known ' before Rmnusio published the 
Letters of the two Zeni.' In short, the misconception has 
been universal. 

"Nor is it merely from the silence of Ramusio that an 
inference is drawn against this pretended voyage. 

" He declares in the Preface to the Third Volume, that 
he considers it not only proper, but in the nature of a duty, 
to vindicate the truth in the behalf of Columbus, who was 
the first to discover and bring to light the New World.* 

"He answers in detail the calumny that the project was 
suggested to Columbus by a Pilot, who died in his house, 
and refers for a refutation of the idle tale to persons yet liv- 
ing in Italy^ who were present at the Spanish Court when 
Columbus departed. He recites the circumstances which 
had conducted the mind of Columbus, as an able and ex- 
perienced mariner and Cosmographer, to the conclusion that 
his project was practicable. 

" ' Such,' he declares, in conclusion, ' were the circum- 
stances that led to his anxiety to undertake the voyage, 
having fixed it in his mind, that by going directly west the 
eastern extremity of the Indies would be discovered.'! 

" He breaks into an apostrophe to the rival City of Genoa, 
which had given birth to Columbus, a fact so much more 



* " No pure 6 convenevole, ma par mi f " Tutte queste cose lo inducevano d vo- 

anco di essere obligate a dire alquate pa- ler far questo viaggio, havendo fisso nell' 

role accompagnate dalla verita per difFesa animo che andando a dritto per Ponente 

del Signor Christoforo Colombo, ilqual fu esso troverebbe le parti di Levantiove sono 

il primo inventore di discoprire et far venire 1 'Indie." 
in luce questa meta del mondo." 



CHAP. I.] VOYAGES IN FOURTEENTH CENTURY. 17 

glorious than that about which seven of the greatest cities 
of Greece contended.* 

" The full force of this evidence cannot be understood 
without adverting to the strength of Ramusio's prejudices 
in favour of his native city. He honestly acknowledges 
that their influence may mislead him when he is disposed 
to rank the enterprize of Marco Polo, of Venice, by land, 
as more memorable than even that of the great Genoese by 
sea.f 

" Yet this is the writer who is said to have given to the 
world undeniable evidence not only that the Venetian Zeno 
knew of these regions upwards of a century before the time 
of Columbus, but that traces had been discovered proving 
that the Venetians had visited them long before the time of 
Zeno. And in a work of the present day we have these 
monstrous assertions : 

" They [the Zeni] ' added a Relation which, whether true 
or false, contained the positive assertion of a continent ex- 
isting to the west of the Atlantic Ocean. This Relation 
was u7iqiiestionahly known to Colambus.^X 

" The professed author of the book, Marcolini, was a 
bookseller and publisher of Venice. It bears his well- 
known device, of which Dr. Dibdin'§. has given a fac-simile. 



* " Genoua si vanti et glorii di cosi ex- vidia finta dalla gente bassa et ignorante." 

cellente huorao cittadin suo et mettasi 4 Again: " una favola pieno di malignitaet 

paragone di quatunquealtracittapeicioche di tristitia." He loftily denounces the 

cestui non fu Poeta, come Homero del qual baseness with which a low envy had seiz- 

sette citta dell maggiori che havesse la ed on and dressed up this tale, " ad appro- 

Grecia contesero insieme aftermando cias- var la delta favola et dipingerla con mille 

cuna che egli era su Cittadino, ma fu un colori." 

huorao il quale ha fatto nasccr al mondo un f " Et se I'affettione della patria non 

altro mondo che 6 effetto incomparabilinent m'inganna, mi par che per ragion probabile 

molto maggiore del detto di sopra." The si possaafTermare che questo fatto per terra 

terms in which he denounces the effort to debba esser anteposto d. quelle di mare," 

disparage Columbus, on the ground of pre- Pref. tern. ii. 

tended hints from the pilot, assure us of J Dr. Lardner's Cabinet Cyclopaedia, 

the manner in which he would have treat- History of Maritime and Inland Discovery, 

ed the subsequent imposture absurdly at- vol. i. p. 225. 

tributed to himself ; " questa favola laqual ^Bibliographical Decameron, vol. ii. p. 

malitiesamente dope suo ritorno fu per in- 244-5. In Singer's learned "Researches 



18 VOYAGES IN FOURTEENTH CENTURY. [book I. 

The motive for getting it up is pretty well disclosed in the 
concluding remarks which allude to the prevailing appetite 
of the public for such works. It is stated that the slight 
materials extant had been put together that they might not 
be altogether lost at a period ' most studious of new narra- 
tives, and of the discoveries of strange countries, made by 
the bold and indefatigable exertions of our ancestors' ('stu- 
diosissima delle Narralioni nuovi et delle discoperte de 
paesi non conosciuti fatte dal grande animo et grande in- 
dustria de i nostri maggiori'). 

" A full exhibition of the evidence which establishes this 
production to be a rank imposture, would require more 
space than can here be justifiably devoted to a topic purely 
incidental. As it is likely to engage attention, anew, in 
connexion with the rumoured discoveries in East or Lost 
Greenland, such a degree of interest may be thrown round 
it as to warrant, hereafter, in a different form, a detailed ex- 
amination. 

"Reverting to the immediate subject under considera- 
tion — the alterations of Ramusio in recent editions — an ex- 
ample occurs in reference to this voyage of the Zeni, which 
shews not only that new matter has been unwarrantably 
introduced, but that the text has been corrupted, without 
hesitation, to suit the purposes of the moment. 

" It has been made a charge against Hakluyt, that in 
translating the M^ork of Marcolini, he has interpolated a 
passage representing Estotiland, the northern part of the 
new region, as abounding in gold and other metals : 

« ' In Hakluyt's Collection of Voyages, it is added they have 
mines of all manner of metals, but especially they abound in gold. 



intotheHistory of Playing Cards, with II- beautiful; great numbers of them after- 
lustrations of the origin of Printing and wards served to decorate the Capriccios of 
Engraving on Wood," is an account (p. 64- that odd genius Doni, who seems to have 
65) of Marcolini's beautiful volume, enti- been employed by Marcolini to write some 
t\eA Le Sorti. " The decorative woodcuts of his whimsical productions as vehicles 
are very numerous, and many of them very for these woodcuts." 



CHAP. I.] VOYAGES IN FOURTEENTH CENTURY. 19 

This passage, however, is not to be found in the ItaUan original of Ra- 
musio.'* 

''The English translator of Forster, referring (p. 189) to 
the alleged infidelity of Hakluyt, says : 

" ' From many circumstances, it appears that Hakluyt's collection 
was made principally with a view to excite his countrymen to prosecute 
new discoveries in America, and to promote the trade to that quarter of 
the globe. Considering it in this light, and that hardly any thing was 
thought worthy of notice in that age but mines of silver and mountains 
of gold, we need not ivonder at the interpolation ! ' 

" Thus has Hakluyt been made, alternately, the theme 
of extravagant eulogium and groundless denunciation ! 
The passage about gold «s in the original (fol. 52) precisely 
as he translates it : ' Hanno lingua et lettere separate et ca- 
vano Metalli d^ogni sorte et sopra tiitto abondano d^Oro et 
le lor pratiche sono in Engroneland di dove traggono pel- 
lerecie, &c.' The misconception of later writers is due to 
a complex piece of roguery running through the several 
editions of Ramusio. 

" The story of Nicolo and Antonio Zeno gains a footing, 
for the first time, in the second volume of the Venice edi- 
tion of 1574, of which there is a copy in the library of the 
British museum. The passage of the original, representing 
Estotiland to abound in gold, is found there, (fol. 224 A.) 
But before the next edition came out, the well known re- 
sult of Frobisher's magnificent hopes was calculated to 
throw ridicule on such representations. The passage, there- 
fore, disappears from the editions of 1583 and 1606 (fol. 
232 A.) The suppression is executed in rather an awk- 
ward manner. On turning to the passage indicated of the 
more recent editions, there will be discovered, at the ele- 
venth line from the top of the page, a chasm in the sense 
between 'cavano' and ' di dove.' The suppression of the 

*For3ter's Northern Voyages, p. 189, note. 



20 VOYAGES IN FOURTEENTH CENTURY. [book i. 

intermediate words, which are marked in italics in our quo- 
tation from the original, constitutes the fraud, and renders 
what remains unintelligible. Hakluyt made his translation 
from the Ramusio of 1574, and not from the original work 
of Marcolini, This is evident from the fact, that in his 
translation, (vol. iii. p. 124,) immediately after the death of 
Nicolo Zeno, there follows a deduction of descent from him 
to ' the other Zenos that are living at this day,' of which 
there is not a syllable in the original (fol. 51), but it is in- 
terpolated into the Ramusio of 1574. He escaped the fal- 
sification of the edition of 1583, because his translation was 
made prior to that time, it having appeared in his early 
work 'Divers Voyages, &c.,' published in 1582. The mat- 
ter, then, stands thus. Hakluyt followed a vicious copy, 
but one which had reached only the first stage of deprava- 
tion. Those who denounce him, merely happen to have 
got hold of a subsequent edition, which has been further 
tampered with. Neither party went back to the original, 
though by no means a rare book ; and it is curious that the 
critics of Hakluyt, while talking of the 'original,^ had be- 
fore them neither the original Marcolini, nor the original 
Ramusio, nor even, if the expression may be used, the ori- 
ginal counterfeit of Ramusio. In this last particular Hak- 
luyt has the advantage over them." 



CHAP. 11.] PROPOSALS OF COLUMBUS TO PORTUGAL. 21 



CHAPTER II. 

Of Christopher Columbus ; his plan for reaching India by a route to 
the West; the fate of his applications to the Court of Portugal 
from 1470 to 1484, and afterw£urds to the Court of Spain till 1492 ; a 
squadron then fitted out, 

Mr. Irving supposes Christopher Columbus to have 
been born about 1435 or 1436;* being some ten 
years earHer than is generally represented. The City 
of Genoa has the honour of being his birthplace.! 
He had two brothers, Bartholomew and Diego, and 
a sister. 

Columbus attained manhood at a period worthy of 
remark. John Guttenberg, the inventor of printing, 
was yet alive. In consequence of Guttenberg's not 
attaching any date to his works, we do not know the 
precise time of his first attempts. But there is little 
doubt that the works disseminated by means of his 
invention had the effect of stimulating Columbus to 
his enterprise. Las Casas thinks that none had more 
effect in this way than those of Pedro de Aliaco, one 
of the most learned and scientific men of the day. 
He was born in 1350, and died in 1416 according to 
some, in 1425 according to others. When Mr. Irving 
was in Seville, making researches in the Bibliothica 
Colombina, the Ubrary given to the cathedral of that 



* Irving's Columbus, vol. 1, p. 3; vol. 2, p. 229, 30, Appendix No. 4; also p. 231, Ap- 
pendix No. 5. 
t Id. p. 233, Appendix No. 6. 



22 PROPOSALS OF COLU]VIBUS TO PORTUGAL. [book i. 

city by Fernando Columbus, the natural son of Chris- 
topher, he saw an old volume in folio, bound in parch- 
ment, (published soon after the invention of printing,) 
v^^hich had belonged to Christopher Columbus. This 
volume was a collection in Latin of astronomical and 
cosmographical tracts of Pedro de Aliaco, and of his 
disciple John Gerson. Las Casas had spoken of the 
volume being so familiar to Columbus, that he had 
filled its whole margin with Latin notes in his hand- 
writing. It was a great satisfaction to Mr. Irving to 
discover this identical volume, this Vade Mecum of 
Columbus, in a state of good preservation. The 
notes he says are written in a very small but neat 
and distinct hand, and call attention to the most stri- 
king passages, or to those which bore most upon the 
theories of Columbus ; occasionally containing brief 
comments, or citing the opinions of other authors, 
ancient and modern, either in support or contradic- 
tion of the text. " This volume," Mr. Irving adds, 
" is a most curious and interesting document, the 
only one that remains of Columbus prior to his dis- 
covery. It illustrates his researches, and in a manner 
the current of his thoughts, while as yet his great en- 
terprise existed but in idea, and while he was seeking 
means to convince the world of its practicability."* 

Columbus arrived at Lisbon about 1470, and his 
marriage there, soon after, fixed him in that city. 
Prince Henry, so instrumental in promoting discove- 
ries, was no longer hving. But a like passion for 
discovery was evinced by John the Second. His call 

* Irving's Columbus, vol. 1, p. 294-5. 



CHAP. II.] PROPOSALS OF COLUMBUS TO PORTUGAL. 23 

on men of science to devise means by which to give 
greater scope and certainty to navigation, resulted in 
the application of the astrolabe ; enabling the seaman, 
by the altitude of the sun, to ascertain its distance 
from the equator.* 

It was immediately after this event that Columbus 
proposed to King John, if he would furnish him with 
ships and men, to go to the west across the Atlantic, 
and thus reach India by a shorter and more direct 
route than around the coast of Africa. The propo- 
sition was referred to a commission of three persons, 
two of whom were cosmographers ; but this scientific 
body treated the project as visionary. The king, not 
satisfied, convoked a council composed of the pre- 
lates and other persons of learning ; but they, too, 
generally opposed the plan.f Yet Columbus was de- 
sired to furnish for the examination of the council, 
the charts or other documents according to which he 
intended to shape his course ; and a caravel was dis- 
patched for the ostensible purpose of carrying provi- 
sions to the Cape de Verd islands, but with private 
instructions to pursue the route designated in the pa- 
pers of Columbus. The weather becoming stormy, 
the pilots had not the resolution to proceed, and re- 
turned, ridiculing the project.| 

The wife of Columbus having been for some time 
dead, he determined now to abandon Portugal. To- 
wards the end of 1484, he departed from Lisbon, ta- 
king with him his son Diego.§ About the same time, 
he engaged his brother Bartholomew to depart to Eng- 
land with proposals to the monarch of that country. 

* Irving's Columbus, vol. 1, p. 31. f Id. 34. J Id. 36. § Id. 



24 PROPOSALS OF COLUMBUS TO SPAIN. [book I. 

" It is interesting to notice the first arrival of Columbus 
in that country, which was to become the scene of his 
glory, and which he was to render so powerful and illus- 
trious by his discoveries. In this we meet with one of 
those striking and instructive contrasts which occur in his 
eventful history. The first trace we have of him in Spain, 
is in the testimony furnished a few years after his death, 
in the celebrated law-suit between his son Don Diego and 
the Crown, by a physician named Garcia Fernandez, from 
whose deposition we glean the following facts :* 

"About half a league from the little seaport of Palos de 
Moguer in Andalusia there stood, and continues to stand at 
the present day, an ancient convent of Franciscan friars : 
dedicated to Santa Maria de Rabida. One day a stranger 
on foot, in humble guise, but of a distinguished air, accom- 
panied by a small boy, stopped at the gate of the convent, 
and asked of the porter a little bread and water for his child. 
While receiving this humble refreshment, the prior of the 
convent, Friar Juan Perez de Marchena, happening to pass 
by, was struck with the appearance of the stranger, and 
observing from his air and accent that he was a foreigner, 
entered into conversation with him, and soon learnt the 
particulars of his story. That stranger was Columbus, ac- 
companied by his young son Diego. Where he had come 
from does not clearly appear ;t that he was in destitute cir- 
cumstances is evident from the mode of his wayfaring : he 



* From Irving's Columbus, 1st chapter rian, Juan Baut. Mufioz. There is a little 

of his second book, vol. 1, p. 39. obscurity in some part of the evidence of 

t " Lo Dicho Alrairante Colon veniendo Garcia Fernandez. It was given many 

& la Rabida, que es un nionasterio de frailes years after the event. He states Columbus 

en esta villa,el qual demand6 a la porteria as coming with his infant son from the 

que le diesen para aquel niflico, que era Castilian court, but he evidently con- 

nifio, pan i agua que bebiese." The testi- founds two visits which Columbus made 

mony of Garcia Fernandez exists in manu- to the convent of La Rabida into one. In 

script among the multifarious writings of making use of his testimony, that confu- 

the Pleito or law-suit, which are preserved sion has been corrected by comparing it 

at Seville. I have made use of an authen- with other well ascertained facts. 
ticated extract, copied for the late histo- 



CHAP. H.] PROPOSALS OF COLUMBUS TO SPAIN. 25 

was on his way to the neighbouring town of Huelva, to 
seek his brother-in-law, who had married a sister of his de- 
ceased wife.* 

" The prior was a man of extensive information. His 
attention had been turned in some measure to geographical 
and nautical science, probably from his vicinity to Palos, 
the inhabitants of which were among the most enterprising 
navigators of Spain, and made frequent voyages to the re- 
cently discovered islands and countries on the African coast. 
He was greatly interested by the conversation of Columbus, 
and struck with the grandeur of his views. It was a re- 
markable occurrence in the monotonous life of the cloister, 
to have a man of such singular character, intent on so ex- 
traordinary an enterprise, applying for bread and water at 
the gate of his convent. He detained him as his guest, 
and diffident of his own judgment, sent for a scientific 
friend to converse with him. That friend was Garcia Fer- 
nandez, a physician resident in Palos, the same who fur- 
nishes this interesting testimony. Fernandez was equally 
struck with the appearance and conversation of the stranger. 
Several conferences took place at the old convent, and the 
project of Columbus was treated with a deference in the 
quiet cloisters of La Rabida, which it had in vain sought 
amidst the bustle and pretension of court sages and philo- 
sophers. Hints too were gathered among the veteran mari- 
ners of Palos, which seemed to corroborate his theory. 
One Pedro de Velasco, an old and experienced pilot of the 
place, affirmed that nearly thirty years before, in the course 
of a voyage, he was carried by stress of weather so far to 
the northwest, that Cape Clear in Ireland lay to the east of 
him. Here, though there was a strong wind blowing from 
the west, the sea was perfectly smooth; a remarkable cir- 
cumstance, which he supposed to be produced by land lying 

* Probably Pedro Correa, from whom he had received information of signs of land in 
the west, observed near Puerto Santo. 



26 PROPOSALS OF COLUMBUS TO SPAIN. [book I. 

in that direction. It being late in August, however, he 
was fearful of the approach of winter, and did not venture 
to proceed on the discovery.* 

" Fray Juan Perez possessed that hearty zeal in friend- 
ship, which carries good wishes into good deeds. Being 
fully persuaded that the proposed enterprise would be of 
the utmost importance to the country, he offered to give Co- 
lumbus a favourable introduction to court, and he advised 
him by all means to repair thither, and make his proposi- 
tions to the Spanish sovereigns. Juan Perez was on inti- 
mate terms with Fernando de Talavera, prior of the mo- 
nastery of Prado and confessor to the queen, a man high in 
royal confidence, and possessing great weight in public af- 
fairs. f To him he gave Columbus a letter, strongly recom- 
mending himself and his enterprise to the patronage of Ta- 
lavera, and requesting his friendly intercession with the 
king and queen. As the influence of the church was para- 
mount in the court of Castile, and as Talavera, from his si- 
tuation as confessor, had the most direct and confidential 
communication with the queen, every thing was expected 
from his mediation. In the meantime Fray Juan Perez took 
charge of the youthful son of Columbus, to maintain and 
educate him at his convent. 

" The zeal of this worthy man, thus early enkindled, ne- 
ver cooled ; and many years afterwards, in the day of his 
success, Columbus looks back, through the brilliant crowd 
of courtiers, prelates and philosophers, who claimed the ho- 
nour of having patronized his enterprise, and points to this 
modest friar as one who had been most effectually its friend. 
He remained in the convent until the spring of 1486, when 
the court arrived in the ancient city of Cordova, where the 
sovereigns intended to assemble their troops and make pre- 



* Hist, del Almirante, cap. 8. 

t Salinas Crnn. Franciscana de Peru. L. 1, c. 14. Malendez Tesoros Verdaderos de las 
India?, L. I, c. 1. 



CHAP. II.] PROPOSALS OF COLUMBUS TO SPAIN. 27 

parations for a spring campaign against the Moorish king- 
dom of Granada. Elated then, with fresh hopes, and con- 
fident of a speedy audience, on the strength of the letter to 
Fernando de Talavera, Cohimbus bade farewell to the wor- 
thy prior of La Rabida, leaving with him his child, and set 
out, full of spirits, for the court of Castile." 

Columbus lost no time in presenting the letter. 
The prior of Prado read it, and listened to the expla- 
nations of Columbus, but no impression was made on 
him in favour of the plan, and it is questionable whe- 
ther at this period it was even mentioned to Ferdinand 
or Isabella. Certain it is that it was long afterwards 
before Columbus obtained an audience from either of 
the sovereigns. While lingering in Cordova, he be- 
came attached to a lady of that city, named Beatrix 
Enriquez. She was the mother of his second son, 
Fernando, (born in 1487 or 1488,) who became his 
historian, and whom he always treated on terms of 
perfect equality with his legitimate son Diego.* 

The most efficient friend of Columbus, in this stage 
of his application, was Alonzo de Quintanillo, comp- 
troller of the finances of Castile, who became a warm 
advocate of his theory, and received him as a guest 
into his house. As a means of efTectually promoting 
his interests, he endeavoured to procure for him the 
patronage of the celebrated Pedro Gonzalez de Men- 
doza. Archbishop of Toledo, and Grand Cardinal of 
Spain. Through the representations of this impor- 
tant personage, Columbus at length obtained admis- 
sion to the royal presence. In a matter involving so 

♦ Irving's Columbus, vol. 1, p. 46 to 48; vol. 2, p. 227, Appendi.t No. 3. 



28 PROPOSALS OF COLUMBUS TO SPAIN. [book i. 

much science, Ferdinand determined to take the opi- 
nion of the most learned men in the kingdom. The 
prior of Prado was commanded to assemble the most 
learned astronomers and cosmographers, for the pur- 
pose of holding a conference with Columbus. The 
conference took place at the great seat of learning in 
Spain, at Salamanca, in the convent of St. Stephen. 
The reasoning of Columbus did not convince a suffi- 
cient number : there was further procrastination and 
neglect.* 

It was in vain to seek a quiet and attentive hearing 
from a court surrounded by the din of arms and con- 
tinually on the march. Wearied and discouraged by 
so much delay, Columbus appears to have written to 
King John the Second. A letter was received in re- 
ply, dated the 20th of March 1488, inviting his return 
to Portugal. Hopes, however, were raised by the 
conduct of the Spanish sovereigns, which induced 
him to neglect this invitation. 

In the spring of 1489, Columbus was summoned to 
attend a conference of learned men, to be held in the 
City of Seville. But the bustle of the campaign pre- 
vented the conference then and for some time after. 
The year 1490 had passed away, and Columbus was 
still kept in suspense. Wearied at the repeated post- 
ponements, he pressed for a decisive leply. A report 
was at length made by the scientific men to whom the 
project had been referred, that the scheme was vain 
and impossible, and ought not to be engaged in by 
the sovereigns. Yet they were unwilling to close the 
door upon the project. A message was sent to Co- 

* Irving'a Columbus, vol. 1, p. 48 to 56. 



CHAP. II.] PROPOSALS OF COLUMBUS TO SPAIN. 29 

lumbus that when the war should be concluded, they 
would treat with him on the subject. On receiving 
it, he repaired from Cordova to the court at Seville, 
but obtained no more favourable reply. Still he was 
reluctant to abandon Spain. At the convent of La 
Rabida was his son Diego, and in Cordova resided 
Beatrix Enriquez, and his infant son Fernando.* 

Columbus now looked round among the rich and 
powerful nobility of Spain. His first application was 
to the Duke of Medina Sidonia ; his second to the 
Duke of Medina CeH. Neither would embark in the 
undertaking, but the latter advised Columbus to apply 
once more to the Spanish monarchs, and gave him a 
letter for Queen Isabella. Averse to the idea of again 
returning to wait upon the court, Columbus deter- 
mined to comply with an invitation from the King of 
France to repair to Paris. f 

" Full of this resolution,! he departed for the convent of 
La Rabida, to seek his eldest son Diego, who still remained 
under the care of his zealous friend Juan Perez, intending 
to leave him, with his other son, at Cordova. 

" When the worthy prior beheld Columbus once more ar- 
rive at the gate of his convent, humble in garb and poor in 
purse as when he first applied there, and found that seven 
years solicitation at the court had ended in poverty and dis- 
appointment, he was greatly moved ; but when, on further 
conversation, he found that the voyager was on the point 
of abandoning Spain, to seek for patronage in the court of 
France, and that so important an enterprize was about to 
be lost forever to the country, the patriotism of the good 



* living's Columbus, vol. I, p. 59 to 63. f Id- P- 63 to 65. 
t Extracted from same, p. 65 to 67. 



30 PROPOSALS OF COLUMBUS TO SPAIN. [BOOK I. 

friar took the alarm and inspired his ardent spirit with new 
zeal. He sent in all haste for his scientific intimate and 
adviser, Garcia Fernandez, the physician of the neighbour- 
ing town, and they had further consultations on the scheme 
of Columbus. He called in, also, to their councils, one 
Martin Alonzo Pinzon, the head of a family of wealthy and 
distinguished navigators of Palos, who were celebrated for 
their practical experience, and their adventurous expedi- 
tions. Pinzon gave the plan of Columbus his decided ap- 
probation, offering to engage in it with purse and person, 
and to bear the expenses of Columbus in a renewed appli- 
cation to the court. 

" Friar Juan Perez was confirmed in his faith by the 
concurrence of his learned and his practical counsellors. 
He had once been confessor to the queen, and knew that 
she was always accessible to persons of his sacred calling. 
He proposed to write to her immediately on the subject. 
and entreated Columbus to delay his journey until an an- 
swer could be received. The latter was easily persuaded, 
for he felt as if in leaving Spain he was again abandoning 
his home. He was also reluctant to renew, in another 
court, the vexations and disappointments he had experienced 
in Spain and Portugal. 

"Having agreed to remain, the little council at the con- 
vent cast round their eyes for an ambassador to depart upon 
this momentous mission. They chose one Sebastian Rodri- 
guez, a pilot of Lepe, one of the most shrewd and impor- 
tant personages in this maritime neighbourhood. The 
queen was at this time at Santa' Fe, the military city which 
had been built in the Vega before Granada, after the confla- 
gration of the royal camp. The honest pilot acquitted 
himself faithfully, expeditiously and successfully, in his 
embassy. He found access to the benignant princess, and 
delivered the epistle of the friar. Isabella had already been 
favourably disposed to the proposition of Columbus ; and 



CHAP. II.] PROPOSALS OF COLUMBUS TO SPAIN. 31 

had been further influenced by the correspondence of the 
Duke of Medina Celi. She wrote in reply to Juan Perez, 
thanking him for his timely services, and requesting that 
he would repair immediately to the court, leaving Christo- 
pher Columbus in confident hope, until he should hear fur- 
ther from her. This royal letter was brought back by the 
pilot, at the end of fourteen days, and spread great joy in 
the little junto at the convent. No sooner did the warm- 
hearted friar receive it, than he saddled his mule, and de- 
parted privately before midnight for the court. He jour- 
neyed through the conquered countries of the Moors, and 
rode into the newly erected city of Santa Fe, where the 
sovereigns were superintending the close investment of the 
capital of Granada. 

" The sacred office of Juan Perez gained him a ready en- 
trance in a court distinguished for religious zeal ; ajid, once 
admitted to the presence of the queen, his former relation, 
as father confessor, gave him great freedom of counsel. 
He pleaded the cause of Columbus with characteristic en- 
thusiasm, speaking, from actual knowledge, of his honoura- 
ble motives, his professional knowledge and experience, and 
his perfect capacity to fulfil the undertaking; he repre- 
sented the solid principles upon which the enterprise was 
founded; the advantages that must attend its success; and 
the glory it must shed upon the Spanish crown. 

" It is probable that Isabella had never heard the proposi- 
tion urged with such honest zeal and impressive eloquence. 
Being naturally more sanguine and susceptible than the 
king, and more open to warm and generous impulses, she 
was moved by the representations of Juan Perez, which 
were warmly seconded by her favourite the Marchioness of 
Moya, who entered into the affair with a woman's disinte- 
rested enthusiasm.* The queen requested that Columbus 
might be again sent to her ; and with the kind considerate- 

* Retrato del Buen Vassallo, L. 2, cap. 16. 



32 PROPOSALS OF COLUMBUS TO SPAIN. [book I. 

ness which characterized her, bethinking herself of his po- 
verty and his humble plight, ordered that twenty thousand 
maravedis* in florins, should be forwarded to him, to bear 
his travelling expenses, to provide him with a mule for his 
journey, and to furnish him with decent raiment, that he 
might make a respectable appearance at the court. 

" The worthy friar lost no time in communicating the 
result of his mission ; he transmitted the money, and a let- 
ter, by the hands of an inhabitant of Palos, to the physician 
Garcia Fernandez, who delivered them to Columbus. The 
latter complied with the instructions conveyed in the epis- 
tle. He exchanged his threadbare garb for one more suited 
to the sphere of a court, and purchasing a mule, set out 
once more, reanimated by hope, for the camp before Gra- 
nada."! 

Columbus arrived in time to witness the memorable 
surrender of Granada to the Spanish arms. The mo- 
narchs could now attend to his proposals. He re- 
quired that he should be invested with the title and 
privileges of admiral and viceroy over the countries 
he should discover, with one tenth of all gains, either 
by trade or conquest. One of the courtiers observing 
that by this arrangement he would secure the honour 
of a command, without any loss in case of failure, 
Columbus replied by offering to furnish an eighth of 
the cost, on condition of enjoying an eighth of the 
profits. His terms, however, were pronounced inad- 
missible. Others were offered him, but he decided 
to abandon Spain forever, rather than compromise his 



* Or seventy-two dollars — equivalent to Rabida, are from the testimony rendered 

two hundred and sixteen dollars of the by Garcia Fernandez in the law suit be- 

present day. tween Diego, the son of Columbus, and the 

t Most of the particulars of this second crown, 
visit of Columbus to the convent of La 



CHAP. II.] PROPOSALS OF COLUMBUS TO SPAIN. 33 

demands. Mounting his mule, he salhed forth from 
Santa Fe in the beginning of February 1492 on his 
way to Cordova, whence he intended to depart imme- 
diately for France. His departure was greatly de- 
plored by a few friends who were zealous believers in 
his theory. One of these was Luis de St. Angel, re- 
ceiver of the ecclesiastical revenues in Aragon. Ob- 
taining an audience of the queen, he vindicated the 
judgment of Columbus, and the soundness and prac- 
ticability of his plans. Isabella declared in favour of 
the enterprise. The king was averse to the measure 
when the royal finances were drained by the war. 
But the queen of Castile undertook it for her own 
crown, and expressed herself willing to pledge her 
private jewels to raise the necessary funds. St. An- 
gel assured her there would be no need of this.* 

Columbus had reached the bridge of Pinos about 
two leagues from Granada, at the foot of the moun- 
tain of Elvira, when he was overtaken by a courier 
from the queen. On being told of the promise she 
had given, he hastened back with alacrity to Santa 
Fe, and had from her an immediate audience. A per- 
fect understanding was now had with the sovereigns. 
The stipulations were signed by them on the 17th of 
April 1492, a commission was issued to Columbus on 
the 30th of that month, and the queen on the 8th of 
May appointed his son Diego page to Prince Juan, 
the heir apparent, with an allowance for his support. 
Columbus took leave of the court on the 1 2th of May, 
and set out for Palos de Moguer in Andalusia, the port 
from which the armament was to be fitted out. He 



* Irving's Columbus, vol. 1, p. 67 to 71. 

5 



34 PROPOSALS OF COLUMBUS TO SPAIN. [book i. 

was received with open arms by the worthy prior of 
the convent of La Rabida, and was his guest during 
his sojourn at Palos. There was extreme dread of 
the undertaking, even in this maritime community, 
and great difficulty was experienced in procuring ves- 
sels and seamen. At length Martin Alonzo Pinzon 
and his brother Vincent Yanez Pinzon, navigators of 
distinction, who possessed vessels and had seamen in 
their employ, took a decided and personal interest in 
the expedition ; and through their exertions the ves- 
sels were ready for sea by the beginning of August. 
They were three in number, all small and only one of 
of them decked. Columbus hoisted his flag on the 
largest called the Santa Maria. The others were 
commanded each by one of the Pinzons. There 
were on board the three, one hundred and twenty 
persons in all.* 

*Irving's Columbus, vol 1, p. 71 to 79. 



CHAP. III.] VOYAGE OF COLUMBUS IN 1492. 36 



CHAPTER III. 

Of the first Voyage of Columbus to tlie West; his departure on the 3d 
of August 1492 ; discovery of land in the West Lidias on the 12th of 
October in that year ; and return to Spain in March 1493. 

It was on Friday, the 3d of August 1492,* early in 
the morning, that Columbus set sail from the bar of 
Saltes, a small island formed by the arms of the Odril, 
in front of the town of Huelva. He steered for the 
Canary islands, whence it was his intention to sail 
due west until he should arrive at the Indias, when 
he was to proceed to deliver the letters given him for 
the Grand Khan of Tartary. On the 9th he came in 
sight of the Canaries, where he was detained upwards 
of three weeks, during which time two of the vessels 
underwent some repairs. He sailed from Gomera on 
the 6th of September, and on the 9th beheld Fuso, 
the last of the Canaries. On the 13th, about two hun- 
dred leagues from Fuso, he noticed for the first time 
the variation of the needle : instead of pointing to the 
north star, it varied at night fall about half a point, or 
between five and six degrees to the northwest, and 
still more on the following morning : the variation in- 
creased as he advanced. On the 14th the voyagers 
were rejoiced by the sight of a heron and a tropical 
bird called the Rabo de Janco, harbingers of land. 
Now they began to see herbs and weeds drifting from 

* Irving's Columbus, vol. 1, p. 71 to 79. 



36 VOYAGE OF COLUMBUS IN 1492. [book i. 

the west, and increasing in quantity as they advanced. 
But several weeks still elapsed without seeing any 
land. Columbus having now come more than seven 
hundred leagues since leaving the Canaries, Martin 
Alonzo Pinzon began to lose confidence in the course 
west, and proposed that they should stand more to the 
southward. Columbus observing great flights of small 
birds going southwest, determined on the evening of 
the 7th of October, to alter his course to the west 
southwest, the direction in which the birds generally 
flew. For three days they stood in this direction, and 
the signs were encouraging. But when on the eve- 
ning of the third day the sun went down upon a shore- 
less horizon, the crews broke forth into turbulent cla- 
mour. They insisted on turning homeward, and aban- 
doning the voyage as hopeless. Columbus notwith- 
standing declared his purpose to persevere until he 
should accomplish the enterprise. At open defiance 
with his crew, his situation would have been despe- 
rate, had not the manifestations of land been such on 
the following day (the 1 Ith,) as no longer to admit of 
doubt. That night not an eye was closed. Columbus, 
took his station on the top of the castle or cabin on 
the high poop of his vessel, and maintained an unre- 
mitting watch. Once or twice during the night he 
saw a light which he considered as a sign of land, 
and that it was inhabited. At two in the morning a 
gun from the Pinta (commanded by Martin Alonzo 
Pinzon,) gave the joyful signal. The land was now 
clearly seen about two leagues distant : they took in 
sail, and laid to, waiting impatiently for the dawn.* 

* Irving's Columbus, vol. 1, p. 8S to 101. 



CHAP. Ill] DISCOVERY OF ISLES IN 1492. 37 

When, as the morning dawned, objects gradually 
became visible, Columbus beheld before him a level 
and beautiful island, several leagues in extent, the in- 
habitants of which were seen naked, running to the 
shore to gaze at the ships. The boats were soon 
manned, and a landing effected. Columbus knelt 
and offered up a prayer of thanksgiving, in which 
the rest joined. Then rising and drawing his sword, 
he took possession in the name of the Castilian sove- 
reigns. It has been generally supposed that one of 
the Bahama islands, called by the natives Guanahani, 
and since called San Salvador, and also known as 
Cat island, was the spot where Columbus first set foot 
upon the new world. Don Martin Navarette, in the 
introduction to his " Collection of Spanish Voyages 
and Discoveries," published at Madrid in 1826, hav- 
ing endeavoured to shew that the place must have 
been Turk's island, Mr. Irving examined this opinion, 
and came to the conclusion that the world may re- 
main in its old hereditary belief that the present island 
of San Salvador is the spot.* 

It was on Friday, the 12th of October, that this 
landing took place. The crew thronged around the 
admiral in their overflowing zeal. 

"Some" (continues Mr. Irving,t) "embraced him, 
others kissed his hands. Those who had been most muti- 
nous and turbulent during the voyage, were now most de- 
voted and enthusiastic. Some begged favours of him, as 
of a man who had already wealth and honours in his gift. 
Many abject spirits, who had outraged him by their inso- 



* Irving's Columbus, vol. l,p. 102,3; vol. 2, p. 280 to 288, Appendix No. 17. 
fid. vol. l,p. 103 to 105. 



38 DISCOVERY OF ISLES IN 1492. [book i. 

lence, now crouched as it were at his feet, begging pardon 
for all the trouble they had caused him, and offering for the 
future the blindest obedience to his commands.* 

" The natives of the island, when, at the dawn of day, 
they had beheld the ships, with their sails set, hovering on 
their coast, had supposed them some monsters which had 
issued from the deep during the night. They had crowded 
to the beach, and watched their movements with awful 
anxiety. Their veering about, apparently without eflfort ; 
the shifting and furling of their sails, resembling huge 
wings, filled them with astonishment. When they beheld 
the boats approach the shore, and a number of strange be- 
ings clad in glittering steel, or raiment of various colours, 
landing upon the beach, they fled in affright to their woods. 
Finding, however, that there was no attempt to pursue, or 
molest them, they gradually recovered from their terror, 
and approached the Spaniards with great awe ; frequently 
prostrating themselves on the earth, and making signs of 
adoration. During the ceremonies of taking possession, 
they remained gazing in timid admiration at the complexion, 
the beards, the shining armour and splendid dresses of the 
Spaniards. The admiral particularly attracted their atten- 
tion, from his commanding height, his air of authority, his 
dress of scarlet, and the deference which was paid him by 
his companions; all which pointed him out to be the com- 
mander.f When they had still further recovered from their 
fears, they approached the Spaniards, touched their beards, 
and examined their hands and faces, admiring their white- 
ness. Columbus, pleased with their simplicity, their gen- 
tleness, and the confidence they reposed in beings who must 
have appeared to them so strange and formidable, suffered 
their scrutiny with perfect acquiescence. The wondering 
savages were won by this benignity; they now supposed 

* Oviedo, L. 1, cap. 6. Las Casas, Hist. Ind. L. 1, c. 40. fLas Casas, ubi sup. 



CHAP. Ill] DISCOVERY OF ISLES IN 1492. 39 

that the ships had sailed out of the crystal firmament which 
bounded their horizon, or that they had descended from 
above on their ample wings, and that these marvellous be- 
ings were inhabitants of the skies.* 

" The natives of the island were no less objects of cu- 
riosity to the Spaniards, differing as they did from any race 
of men they had ever seen. Their appearance gave no pro- 
mise of either wealth or civilization, for they were entirely 
naked, and painted with a variety of colours. With some 
it was confined merely to a part of the face, the nose, or 
around the eyes ; with others it extended to the whole 
body, and gave them a wild and fantastic appearance. 
Their complexion was of a tawny or copper hue, and they 
were entirely destitute of beards. Their hair was not 
crisped like the recently discovered tribes of the African 
coast, under the same latitude, but straight and coarse, 
partly cut short above the ears, but some locks left long be- 
hind, and falling upon their shoulders. Their features, 
though obscured and disfigured by paint, were agreeable ; 
they had lofty foreheads and remarkably fine eyes. They 
were of moderate stature, and well shaped ; most of them 
appeared to be under thirty years of age ; there was but 
one female with them, quite young, naked like her com- 
panions, and beautifully formed. 

"As Columbus supposed himself to have landed on an 
island at the extremity of India, he called the natives by 
the general appellation of Indians, which was universally 
adopted, before the true nature of his discovery was known, 
and has ever since been extended to all the aboriginals of 
the new world." 



* The idea that the white men came Nicaragua, lie inquired how they came 

from heaven was universally entertained down from the skies, whether flying, or 

by the inhabitants of the new world. whether they descended on clouds. Her- 

When in the course of subsequent voyages, rcra, Decad. 3, L. 4, c. 5. 
the Spaniards conversed with the Cacique 



40 DISCOVERY OF ISLES IN 1492. [book I. 

Columbus, after reconnoitering San Salvador, 
cruised among others of the Bahama islands. To 
one he gave the name of Santa Maria de la Concep- 
tion ; to another the name of Fernandina, this is now 
called Exuma. Then he went to an island called Isa- 
bella by him, and since called Isla Larga and Exumeta. 
Afterwards he touched at a group of seven or eight 
small islands, which he called Isles de Arena, supposed 
to be the present Mucaras islands, and crossing the Ba- 
hama bank and channel, arrived on the morninor of the 
28th of October in sight of the island of Cuba. The 
part which he first discovered is supposed to be the 
coast to the west of Nuevitas del Principe. He an- 
chored in a beautiful river, to which he gave the name 
of San Salvador ; and to the island he gave the name 
of Juana, in honour of Prince Juan. Landing occa- 
sionally, he visited several villages, particularly one on 
the banks of a large river, to which he gave the name 
of Rio de Mares. It is now called Savannah la Mar. 
After standing to the northwest, he came in sight of 
a headland, to which, from the groves with which it 
was covered, he gave the name of the Cape of Palms. 
It forms the eastern entrance to what is now known 
as Laguna de Moron. Afterwards he put back to the 
Rio de Mares, and sent two Spaniards (with two In- 
dians as guides) on a mission to the chieftain, in the 
interior of the island.* 

" On their way back, they, for the first time, witnessed 
the use of a weed, which the ingenious caprice of man has 
since converted into an universal luxury, in defiance of the 

* Irving's Columbus, vol. 1, p. 105 to 122, 



CHAP. III.] DISCOVERY OF ISLES IN 1492. 41 

opposition of the senses. They beheld several of the na- 
tives going about with fire-brands in their hands, and cer- 
tain dried herbs, which they rolled up in a leaf, and light- 
ing one end, put the other end in their mouths, and conti- 
nued exhaling and puffing out the smoke. A roll of this 
kind they called a tobacco, a name since transferred to the 
plant of which the rolls were made. The Spaniards, 
although prepared to meet with wonders, were struck with 
astonishment at their singular and apparently nauseous in- 
dulgence."* 

On the 12th of November Columbus, taking seve- 
ral of the natives of both sexes to carry with him to 
Spain, turned his course to the east southeast. He 
gave to a cape which he passed, the name of Cape 
Cuba, and anchored in a harbour which he called Pu- 
erto del Principe. He passed a few days exploring 
an archipelago of small but beautiful islands, since 
known as El Jardin del Rey, or the King's Garden ; 
and named the gulf, studded with them, the sea of 
Nuestra Senora. On the 19th, he again put to sea, 
but the wind blowing from the quarter to which he 
wished to steer, and the sea being rough, he deter- 
mined to return to Cuba, and made signals to his com- 
panions to do the same. The Pinta, commanded by 
Martin Alonzo Pinzon, had by this time worked a 
considerable distance to the eastward. It failed to 
attend to his signals, and the next morning was out of 
sight. Columbus was exceedingly indignant at this 
apparent desertion, but not knowing what course Pin- 
zon would steer, went back with the remaining ships. 
On the 24th, he regained Point Cuba, and anchored 

* Irving's Columbus, vol. 1, p. 122. 

6 



42 DISCOVERY OF ISLES IN 1493. [book i. 

in a harbour formed by the mouth of a river, to which 
he gave the name of St. Catharine. He continued 
for several days coasting the residue of Cuba, and 
reached its eastern end the 5th of December.* 

While steering at large, beyond the eastern extre- 
mity of Cuba, Columbus descried land to the south- 
east. The beautiful island of Hayti revealed itself to 
the eye. In the evening of the 6th of December, 
Columbus entered a harbour at the western end of the 
island, to which he gave the name of St. Nicholas, by 
which it is still called. Leaving this harbour on the 
7th, he coasted along the northern side of the island. 
For several days he was detained in a harbour which 
he called Fort Conception. The admiral fancied the 
features of the surrounding country resembled those 
of the more beautiful provinces of Spain, and named 
the island Hispaniola. He visited an island lying op- 
posite the harbour of Conception, to which, from its 
abounding in turtle, he gave the name of Tortugas. 
To one of its valleys, he gave the name of Valle de 
Pariso, or the vale of Paradise ; and he called a fine 
stream the Guadalquiver. Setting sail on the 16th of 
December, at midnight, he steered again for Hispa- 
niola, and anchored near a village on its coast, at pre- 
sent known as Puerto de Paz. On the evening of 
the 20th, he anchored in a fine harbour, to which 
he gave the name of St. Thomas, supposed to be 
what at present is called the Bay of Acul. On the 
22d, a message was received from a grand cacique, 
named Guacanagari, begging that the ships might 
come opposite to his residence. The wind prevent- 

* Irving's Columbus, vol. 1, p. 122 to 129. 



CHAP. Ill] DISCOVERY OF ISLES IN 1492. 43 

ing an immediate compliance, the admiral sent the 
notary, with several of the crew, to visit him at his 
residence, in a town then called Puerta Santa, now 
Point Honorata. They were received with great ho- 
nour, and brought back many presents to the ad- 
miral.* 

On the morning of the 24th of December, Colum- 
bus steered to the eastward, with the intention of an- 
choring at the harbour of this cacique. On the way, 
owing to neglect of duty of the steersman, his vessel 
was shipwrecked in the night, and the admiral and his 
men took refuge on board the caravel of Vicente Ya- 
nez Pinzon. When the cacique heard of this misfor- 
tune, he immediately sent all his people with all the 
canoes, large and small, that could be mustered ; and 
so active were they, in their assistance, that in a little 
while the vessel was unloaded. Never, in any civi- 
lized country, were the vaunted rights of hospitality 
more scrupulously observed than by this uncultured 
savage. Men of the present day, who inhabit the 
Atlantic coast of North America, with all the aid that 
Christianity gives them, may be improved by follow- 
ing his example. All the effects landed from the ship 
were deposited near his dwelling, and an armed guard 
surrounded them all night, until houses could be pre- 
pared, in which to store them. Yet there seemed, 
even among the common people, no disposition to 
take advantage of the misfortune of the strangers. 
Without going through the Christian form of prayer, 
the conduct of these people to Columbus, enabled 

* Irving's Columbus, vol. 1, p. 129 to 137. 



44 DISCOVERY OF ISLES IN 1492. [book i. 

him to say of them that they loved their neighbours 
as themselves.* 

The solicitude expressed by many of his people to 
be left behind, added to the friendly and pacific 
character of the natives, suggested to Columbus the 
idea of forming the germ of a future colony. The 
vi^reck of his vessel afforded abundant materials to 
construct a fortress. So great was the activity of the 
Spaniards in its construction, and so ample the assis- 
tance rendered by the natives, that in ten days it w^as 
sufficiently complete for service. A large vault had 
been made, over which was erected a strong wooden 
tower, and the whole was surrounded by a wide ditch. 
It was stored with all the ammunitions that had been 
saved from the wreck or that could be spared from 
the caravel ; and the guns being mounted, the whole 
had a formidable aspect. Columbus gave to the for- 
tress, as well as to the adjacent village and the har- 
bour, the name of La Navidad, or the Nativity, in 
memorial of their having escaped from shipwreck on 
Christmas day. There were many volunteers to re- 
main on the island ; from whom he selected thirty- 
nine, the command of whom was given to Diego de 
Arana, a native of Cordova, and notary and alguazil 
to the armament. In case of death, he was to be 
succeeded by Pedro Gutierrez, and he dying, by Rod- 
rigo de Escobedo.f 

It was on the 4th of January 1493, that Columbus 
set sail from La Navidad, on his return to Spain. He 
stood eastward, towards a lofty promontory, to which 
he gave the name of Monte Christi, by which it is 

* Irving's Columbus, vol. 1, p. 137 to 144. f Id. 145 to 151. 



CHAP. III.] DISCOVERY OF ISLES IN 1492. 45 

Still known. On the 6th, having weathered the cape 
and advanced ten leagues, the Pinta was seen. There 
being an adverse wind, and no safe anchorage in the 
neighbourhood, the admiral put back to the bay, a 
little west of Monte Christi, whither he was followed 
by the Pinta. When Martin Alonzo Pinzon came on 
board of the admiral's vessel, he was agitated and 
confused. Columbus was not at all satisfied with his 
account ; and, from subsequent information, became 
convinced that Pinzon had deserted him from a selfish 
and mercenary motive ; that of first getting to a gol- 
den region, of which he heard, (from one of the In- 
dians on board of his vessel,) and making a fortune. 
In searching for this land of imaginary wealth, he was 
entangled for some time among a cluster of small 
islands, supposed to have been the Caicos ; after 
which, he went to Hispaniola. Here, in trading with 
the natives, he collected a quantity of gold, of which 
he retained half for himself, and divided the rest 
among his men. Though he received intelligence of 
the shipwreck of the admiral, he had delayed sailing 
to his assistance, to amass more booty.* 

On being rejoined by the Pinta, Columbus would 
have been encouraged to continue his voyage along 
the coast, but for his loss of confidence in the Pin- 
zons. This decided him to hasten to Spain, and re- 
lease himself from his connexion with them. The 
boats now took in a supply of wood and water, at a 
river called by the natives the Yagui, to which Co- 
lumbus gave the name of Rio del Oro, or the Golden 
River. It is now called the Santiago. They again 

* Irving's Columbus, vol. 1, p. 152 to 154. 



46 DISCOVERY OF ISLES IN 1492. [book i. 

sailed on the evening of the 9th of January, and ar- 
rived next day at a river where Pinzon had been tra- 
ding. To this Columbus gave the name of Rio de 
Gracia, but it took the appellation of its original dis- 
coverer, and vi^as long known as the river of Martin 
Alonzo. Here the natives complained that Pinzon 
had violently carried off four men and two girls. The 
admiral finding they were on board the Pinta, to be 
carried to Spain and sold as slaves, ordered that they 
should be immediately restored to their homes, well 
clothed, and with many presents, to atone for the 
wrong they had experienced, and to prevent its pre- 
judicing the natives against the Spaniards. This res- 
titution was made with great unwillingness and many 
high words on the part of Pinzon.* 

Columbus coasted the island until he came to a 
high and beautiful headland, to which he gave the 
name of Cape del Enamorado, or the Lover's Cape, 
but which is now known as Cape Cabron. A little 
beyond, he anchored in a vast bay or gulf, three 
leagues in breadth, and extending far inland. On this 
bay was the first contest had with the Indians ; the 
first time that native blood was shed by the white men 
in the new world. The tribe was the Ciguayans, a 
bold and hardy race extending twenty-five leagues 
along the coast, and several leagues into the interior. 
In consequence of the skirmish with them, Columbus 
gave to the bay the name of Golfo de las Fleches or 
the Gulf of Arrows, but it is now known by the name 
of the Gulf of Samana. Notwithstanding the skir- 
mish, the chieftain and some of his attendants visited 

* living's Columbus, vol. 1, p. 154, 5. 



CHAP. III.] RETURN OF COLUMBUS IN MARCH 1493. 47 

the caravel next day in amity. A friendly intercourse 
afterwards prevailed with the natives while Columbus 
remained in the bay. And four young Indians agreed 
to accompany him as guides to some islands lying 
to the east, of which they gave interesting accounts. 
He sailed from the bay on the 16th of January, and 
steered at first to the northeast, but after going about 
sixteen leagues his Indian guides changed their opi- 
nion and pointed to the southeast. The admiral had 
not proceeded two leagues in this direction, when a 
most favourable breeze sprang up for the voyage to 
Spain. The gloom on the countenances of the sailors 
increasing as they diverged from the homeward route, 
Columbus repressed his inchnation for farther discove- 
ries, and once more shifting sail, to the great joy of 
the crews, resumed his course for Spain.* 

The favourable breeze soon died away, and for the 
remainder of January no great progress was made. 
In the early part of February, having run to about 
the thirty-eighth degree of north latitude, they began 
to have more favourable breezes, and were enabled 
to steer direct for Spain. On the 13th there was a 
violent tempest, which continued till the night of the 
14th. In the darkness of the night the Pinta was lost 
sight of. On the morning of the loth an island was 
seen by those on board the Nina ; and on the morn- 
ing of the 18th, they were enabled to anchor on its 
northern side. The island was St. Mary's, the most 
southern of the Azores, and a possession of the crown 
of Portugal, whose king, it appeared, jealous lest the 
expedition of Columbus might interfere with his own 

* living's Columbus, vol. ], p. 155 to 159. 



48 RETURN OF COLUMBUS IN MARCH 1493. [BOOK I. 

discoveries, had given orders for his seizure and de- 
tention, vi^herever he should be met with. In conse- 
quence of these orders, half the men of Columbus 
were taken while on land, and for a time detained. 
After their restoration, he set sail on the 24th of Feb- 
ruary, and again encountered violent storms. At day 
break on the 4th of March, they found themselves 
off the rock of Cintra, at the mouth of the Tagus. 
Though distrusting Portugal, the prevaihng tempest 
left Columbus no alternative but to go in for shelter, 
and he accordingly anchored about 3 o'clock, oppo- 
site to Rastello.* 

Immediately on his arrival, Columbus dispatched a 
courier to the King and Queen of Spain, with the 
great tidings of his discovery. He wrote also to the 
King of Portugal, who was then at Valparaiso. On 
the 8th of March a cavalier came with a letter from 
King John, congratulating Columbus on his arrival, 
and inviting him to court. His reception by that 
monarch was worthy of an enlightened prince. Co- 
lumbus after being treated with distinguished atten- 
tion, was escorted back to his ship by a numerous 
train of cavaliers ; stopping on his way back at the 
monastery of St. Antonio, at Villa Franca, to visit the 
queen, who had expressed an earnest wish to see him. 
Putting to sea on the 13th of March, he arrived safely 
at the bar of Saltes about sunrise of the 15th, and at 
mid-day entered the harbour of Palos. The trium- 
phant return of Columbus was a prodigious event in 
the history of this little port. The whole community 
broke forth into transports of joy. Columbus dis- 

* Irving's Columbus, vol. 1, p. 159 to 168, 



CHAP. III.] INTEREST EXCITED BY THE DISCOVERY. 49 

patched hence a letter to the king and queen at Bar- 
celona, and soon after departed for Seville to await 
their orders, taking with him six of the natives whom 
he had brought from the new world. One had died 
at sea, and three were left ill at Palos. It is a singular 
coincidence, that on the very evening of the arrival 
of Columbus at Palos, the Pinta likewise entered the 
river. After her separation from the admiral, she 
had been driven into the bay of Biscay, and made 
the port of Bayonne. Anxious to secure the favour- 
able prepossessions of the court and the public, Mar- 
tin Alonzo Pinzon had immediately written to the 
sovereigns, giving information of the discovery he 
had made. When on entering the harbour of Palos, 
he beheld the vessel of the admiral riding at anchor, 
and learnt the enthusiasm with which he had been re- 
ceived, the heart of Pinzon died within him. In a 
few days he sank into the grave.* 

The letter of Columbus to the Spanish monarchs 
announcing his discovery, had produced the greatest 
sensation at court. Shortly after arriving in Seville, 
Columbus received a letter from them, expressing 
their great delight, and requesting him to repair im- 
mediately to court to concert plans for a second and 
more extensive expedition. He set out soon for Bar- 
celona, taking with him the six Indians and other cu- 
riosities brought from the new world. His journey 
was like that of a sovereign. About the middle of 
April he arrived at Barcelona, and there had a most 
gratifying reception both from the court and the 
people. Notwithstanding the universal enthusiasm, 



* Irving's Columbus, vol. 1, p. 169 to 176. 

7 



50 INTEREST EXCITED BY THE DISCOVERY. [book I. 

however, no one was yet aware of the real impor- 
tance of the discovery. It was still supposed that 
Cuba was the end of the Asiatic continent, and that 
the adjacent islands were in the Indian seas ; and 
therefore the lands which he had visited were called 
the West Indias : yet as he seemed to have entered 
upon a vast region of unexplored countries, existing 
in a state of nature, the whole received the compre- 
hensive appellation of " The New World."* 

Next to the countenance shewn Columbus by the 
king and queen, may be mentioned that of Pedro 
Gonzalez de Mendoza, the first subject of the realm ; 
a man whose elevated character gave value to his 
favours. He invited Columbus to a feast, where he 
assigned him the most honourable place at table. At 
this repast is said to have occurred the anecdote of 
the egg. A courtier present, impatient perhaps of 
the honours paid to Columbus, asked him whether he 
thought that in case he had not discovered the Indias, 
there were not other men in Spain who would have 
been capable of the enterprise ? Columbus made no 
immediate reply, but, taking an egg, invited the com- 
pany to make it stand upon one end. Every one at- 
tempted it, but in vain. Whereupon Columbus struck 
the egg upon the table so as to break the end, and 
left it standing on the broken part ; illustrating in this 
simple manner, that when he had once shewn the 
way to the new world, nothing was easier than to 
follow it.f 

The six Indians whom Columbus had brought to 
Barcelona, were baptized with great state and cere- 

* Irving's Columbus, vol. 1, p. 177 to 182. t U. p. 183, 4. 



CHAP. Ill] INTEREST EXCITED BY THE DISCOVERY. 51 

mony; the king, the queen and Prince Juan officiating 
as sponsors. Great hopes were entertained that on 
their return to their native country they would facih- 
tate the introduction of Christianity among their coun- 
trymen. One of them, at the request of Prince Juan, 
remained in his household, but died not long after- 
wards. A Spanish historian remarks, that according 
to what is called christian belief, he was the first of 
his nation that entered Heaven ?* 

During the year 1493, three editions were printed 
of the letter of Columbus to Gabriel Sanchez, trea- 
surer of Spain, giving an account of his discovery. 
The general interest which it excited is strongly evi- 
denced by this fact. Another example of a work 
printed three times in the same year, can scarcely be 
found in the fifteenth century. 

* Irving's Columbus, vol. 1, p. 190, 



52 SECOND VOYAGE OF COLUMBUS. [book i. 



CHAPTER IV. 

Of the second Voyage of Columbus ; discovery of other isles in 1493 
and 1494 ; settlement at La Navidad destroyed ; and City of Isabella 
built. 

After receiving every mark of honour and regard, 
Columbus took leave of the sovereigns on the 28th 
of May 1493. He arrived at Seville the beginning 
of June, and proceeded with all diligence to fit out 
the armament. On the 25th of September, the bay 
of Cadiz was whitened by his fleet, consisting of three 
large ships of heavy burthen and fourteen caravels. 
The two sons of Columbus, Diego and Fernando, 
witnessed the departure of their father.* 

Columbus arrived at the Canaries on the 1st of 
October. By the 24th he had made four hundred 
and fifty leagues west of Gomera. On the morning 
of the 3d of November, a lofty island was descried 
to the west, to which he gave the name of Dominica, 
from its being discovered on Sunday. Other islands 
rose into sight, one after another. These were a part 
of the beautiful cluster, called by some the Antilles, 
which sweep almost in a semi-circle, from the eastern 
end of Porto Rico to the coast of Paria, on the 
southern continent, forming a kind of barrier be- 
tween the main ocean and the Caribbean sea. To 
one of these islands he gave the name of his ship, 

* Irving's Columbus, vol. 1, p. 191 to 202. 



CHAP. IV.] DISCOVERY OF ISLES IN 1493. 53 

Marigalante ; to another the name of Guadaloupe. 
On this the Spaniards landed the 4th of November, 
and met for the first time with the dehcious pine 
apple.* 

Continuing along this beautiful archipelago, Co- 
lumbus gave names to its islands as they successively 
rose to view ; Montserrat, Santa Maria la Redonda, 
Santa Maria la Antigua and San Martin. Other 
lands to the north he forbore to visit. On the 14th 
of November he anchored at an island which the In- 
dians called Ayay, and to which he gave the name of 
Santa Cruz. Here there was a skirmish with the na- 
tives. Pursuing his voyage, Columbus soon came in 
sight of a great cluster of islands : to the largest he 
gave the name of Santa Ursula ; and he called the 
others the Eleven Thousand Virgins. He arrived 
afterwards at a great island called by the natives 
Boriquen : to this he gave the name of St. Juan 
Bautista; it is since known by the name of Porto 
Rico. After remaining here two days, Columbus 
sailed for Hispaniola.f 

On the 22d of November the fleet arrived at the 
eastern extremity of this island. At the gulf of Sa- 
mana he set on shore one of the young Indians who 
had been to Spain. Favourable effects were antici- 
pated from his representations to his countrymen, but 
he was neither seen nor heard of again. One Indian 
of those who had been to Spain remained in the 
fleet ; a native of the island of Guanahani, named 
after the admiral's brother, Diego Colon. He con- 
tinued faithful to the Spaniards. Columbus anchored 

* Irving's Columbus, vol. 1, p. 202 to 210. f W. 2U to 215. 



54 DISCOVERY OF ISLES IN 1493. [book i. 

on the 25th in the harbour of Monte Christi, and on 
the evening of the 27th near La Navidad. Two 
cannon were fired, but there was no reply. About 
midnight a canoe approached with Indians. One of 
them was a cousin of the cacique Guacanagari, and 
brought the admiral a present from him. The ac- 
count of this messenger (as well as it could be ga- 
thered,) was, that several of the Spaniards had died 
of sickness, and others fallen in a quarrel among 
themselves ; and the rest had removed to a different 
part of the island : and that another cacique had 
wounded Guacanagari in battle, and burnt his village. 
Next day Columbus sent a boat to the shore to recon- 
noitre. The crew found the fortress a burnt ruin ; 
the pallisadoes beaten down ; and the whole present- 
ing the appearance of having been sacked and de- 
stroyed. They returned with dejected hearts to the 
ships, and related to the admiral what they had seen. 
Columbus was greatly troubled at this intelligence, 
and, the fleet having now anchored in the harbour, 
went himself to shore on the following morning. In 
the course of the day a number of the Indians began 
to make their appearance. Some of them could 
speak a few words of Spanish, and knew the names 
of all the men who had remained with Arana. By 
this means, and by the aid of the Indian named Diego 
Colon as interpreter, the story of the garrison was in 
some measure ascertained.* 

" No sooner had the departing sail of the admiral faded 
from their sight, than all his counsels and commands died 

*Irving's Columbus, vol. I, p. 216 to 221. The extract which follows is from p. 221 to 223. 



CHAP. IV.] DISCOVERY OF ISLES IN 1493. 55 

away from their minds. Though a mere handful of men, 
surrounded by savage tribes, and dependent upon their own 
prudence and good conduct, and upon the good will of the 
natives, for very existence, yet they soon began to indulge 
in the most wanton abuses. Some were incited by rapa- 
cious avarice, and, in their eagerness to amass private hoards 
of wealth, possessed themselves, by all kinds of wrongful 
means, of the golden ornaments and other valuable pro- 
perty of the natives. Others sinned through gross sensu- 
ality. Two or three wives had been allotted to each by 
the Cacique Guacanagari, yet, not content with this liberal 
allowance, they invaded the domestic tranquillity of the 
Indians, and seduced from them their wives and daughters. 
Fierce brawls incessantly occurred among themselves about 
their ill-gotten spoils, or the favours of the Indian beauties; 
and the simple natives beheld with astonishment the beings 
whom they had worshipped as descended from the skies, 
abandoned to the grossest of earthly passions, and raging 
against each other with worse than brutal ferocity. 

" Still these dissensions might not have been very dan- 
gerous had they observed one of the grand irijunctions of 
Columbus, and kept together in the fortress, maintaining 
military vigilance ; but all precaution of the kind was soon 
forgotten. In vain did Don Diego de Arana interpose his 
authority; in vain did every inducement present itself 
which could bind man and man together in a foreign land. 
All order, all subordination, all unanimity, was at an end. 
Many of them abandoned the fortress, and lived carelessly 
and at random about the neighbourhood; every one was 
for himself, or associated with some little knot of confede- 
rates to injure and despoil the rest. Thus factions broke 
out among them, until ambition arose to complete the de- 
struction of their mimic empire. The two persons, Pedro 
Gutierrez and Rodrigo de Escobedo, whom Columbus had 
left as lieutenants to the commander, to succeed him in case 



66 DISCOVERY OF ISLES IN 1493. [^00^ I. 

of accident, now took advantage of these disorders and 
aspired to an equal share in the authority, if not to the 
supreme control.* Violent affrays succeeded, in which a 
Spaniard hy the name of Jacomo was killed. Having 
failed in their object, Gutierrez and Escobedo withdrew 
from the fortress, with nine of their adherents, and a num- 
ber of their women; and, still bent on command, now 
turned their thoughts on distant enterprise. Having heard 
marvellous accounts of the mines of Cibao, and the golden 
sands of its mountain rivers, they set off for that district, 
flushed with the thoughts of amassing immense treasure. 
Thus they disregarded another strong injunction of Colum- 
bus, which was to keep within the friendly territories of 
Guacanagari. The region to which they repaired was in 
the interior of the island, within the province of Maguana, 
ruled by the famous Caonabo, called by the Spaniards the 
Lord of the Golden House. This renowned chieftain was 
a Carib by birth, possessing the fierceness and the enter- 
prise of his nation. He had come an adventurer to the 
island, and had acquired such ascendancy over these simple 
and unwarlike people by his courage and address, that he 
had made himself the most potent of their caciques. His 
warlike exploits were renowned throughout the island, and 
the inhabitants universally stood in awe of him for his Ca- 
rib origin. 

" Caonabo had for some time maintained paramount im- 
portance in the island ; he was the hero of this savage 
world, when the ships of the white men suddenly appeared 
upon its shores. The wonderful accounts of their power 
and prowess had reached him among his mountains, and he 
had the shrewdness to perceive that his own consequence 
must decline before such formidable intruders. The de- 
parture of Columbus had revived his hopes that their in- 

* Oviedo, Hist. Ind. L. 2, c. 12. 



CHAP. IV.] SETTLEMENT AT LA NAVIDAD DESTROYED. 57 

triisiori would be but temporary. The discords and ex- 
cesses of those who remained, while they moved his de- 
testation, inspired him with increasing confidence. No 
sooner, therefore, did Gutierrez and Escobedo, with their 
companions, take refuge in his dominions, than he consi- 
dered himself secure of a triumph over these detested 
strangers. He seized upon the fugitives and put them in- 
stantly to death. He then assembled his subjects pri- 
vately ; and, concerting his plans with the cacique of Ma- 
rien, whose territories adjoined those of Guacanagari on 
the west, he determined to make a sudden attack upon the 
fortress. Emerging from among the mountains, and tra- 
versing great tracts of forests with profound secrecy, he ar- 
rived with his army in the vicinity of the village, without 
being discovered. Confiding in the gentle and pacific na- 
ture of the Indians, the Spaniards had neglected all mili- 
tary precautions, and lived in the most careless security. 
But ten men remained in the fortress with Arana, and these 
do not appear to have maintained any guard. The rest 
were quartered in houses in the neighbourhood. In the 
dead of the night, when all were wrapt in unsuspecting 
repose, Caonabo and his warriors burst upon the place with 
frightful yells; got possession of the fortress before the in- 
mates could put themselves upon their defence, and sur- 
rounded and set fire to the houses in which the rest of the 
white men were sleeping. The Spaniards were completely 
taken by surprise. Eight of them fled to the sea side, pur- 
sued by the savages, and rushing into the waves for safety, 
were drowned ; the rest were massacred. Guacanagari and 
his subjects fought faithfully in defence of their guests ; 
but not being of a warlike character, they were easily rout- 
ed ; Guacanagari was wounded in the combat by the hand 
of Caonabo, and his village was burnt to the ground."* 



* Herrera, Hist. Ind. Decad. 1, Lib. 2, 49. Cura de los Palacios, c. 120. MS. Mu- 
c. 9. Letter of Dr. Chanca. Peter Martyr, noz, Hist. N. Mundo, L. 4. 
Decad. 1, Lib. 2. Hist, del Almirante, c. 



58 CITY OF ISABELLA BUILT. [^^OK I. 

Columbus weighed anchor on the 7th of Decem- 
ber. Being obUged by the weather to put into a 
harbour about ten leagues east of Monte Christi, he 
was struck with its advantages. Here he founded 
the first christian city of the New World, and gave to 
it the name of Isabella. He dispatched to Spain 
twelve of the ships under the command of Antonio 
de Torres ; retaining only five for the colony. The 
ships put to sea the 22d of February 1494. In them 
were sent some men, women and children, taken in 
the Caribbee islands ; it was recommended that they 
should be instructed in the Spanish language and the 
christian faith.* 

In the mountains, about eighteen leagues from Isa- 
bella, Columbus caused a fortress to be erected, to 
which he gave the name of St. Thomas. Here lea- 
ving Pedro Margarite in command, with a garrison of 
fifty-six men, he returned to Isabella on the 29th of 
March. A message was soon received from the for- 
tress, that the Indians had manifested unfriendly feel- 
ings. Columbus sent a reinforcement and also pro- 
visions and ammunition. What, howe\ier, gave him 
most anxiety was the sickness, discontent and dejec- 
tion which seemed to increase in the settlement. 
Besides intermittent fevers and other maladies trying 
to European constitutions in the tropics, many of the 
Spaniards suffered under the torments of a disease 
hitherto unknown to them ; the scourge, as was sup- 
posed, of their licentious intercourse with the Indian 
females, but the origin of which, whether American 
or European, has been a subject of great dispute. 

* Irving's Columbus, vol. J, p. 230 to 235. 



CHAP. IV.] DISCOVERY or ISLES IN 1494. 59 

Having taken such measures as seemed to him best, 
and left behind a president and council to administer 
affairs in his absence, Columbus took three caravels 
and proceeded on an exploring voyage. He set sail 
the 24th of April and steered westward. After touch- 
ing at Monte Christi and La Navidad, he arrived on 
the 29th at the port of St. Nicholas, whence he be- 
held the extreme point of Cuba.* 

Columbus sailed along the southern coast of Cuba 
twenty leagues, when he anchored in a harbour, to 
which, from its size, he gave the name of Puerto 
Grande, at present called Guantanamo. Then he 
continued westward and came to a harbour, which, it 
is probable, was the same at present called St. Jago 
de Cuba. On the 3d of May, after standing west- 
ward to a high cape, he turned south. He had not 
sailed many leagues before the blue summits of a vast 
and lofty island began to rise. He anchored in a 
harbour about the centre, to which he gave the name 
of Santa Gloria, and then coasted westward a few 
leagues to a harbour which he called Puerto Buene. 
Here there was a rencontre, in which, for the first 
time, a dog was used against the natives. To this 
island, Columbus gave the name of Santiago, but it 
has retained its original Indian name of Jamaica. 
After coasting it westward about twenty-four leagues 
farther, he approached the western extremity, when 
the breeze being fair for Cuba, he returned thither.f 

On the 18th of May 1494, the squadron arrived at 
a great cape to which Columbus gave the name of 
Cubo de la Cruz, which it still retains. Resuming 

* Irving's Columbus, voJ. 1, p. 244 to 264. f Id. p. 265 to 270. 



60 DISCOVERY OF ISLES IN 1494, [BOOK I. 

his course to the west, he came on the following day 
to where the coast suddenly swept away to the north- 
east for many leagues, and then curved round again 
to the west, forming an immense bay, or rather gulf 
The navigation was rendered difficult by numerous 
keys and sand banks. To this labyrinth of islands, 
Columbus gave the name of the Queen's Gardens. 
They were generally uninhabited ; but on one of the 
largest, where they landed on the 22d of May, they 
found a considerable village. To this island, the ad- 
miral gave the name of Santa Maria. Having extri- 
cated himself from this archipelago, Columbus stood 
for a mountainous part of the island of Cuba, about 
fourteen leagues distant, where he landed at a large 
village on the 3d of June. Pursuing their voyage, 
the ships for the greater part of two days, swept along 
the open part of the coast, traversing the wide gulf 
of Xagua. Penetrating another labyrinth of islands, 
Columbus reached a low point of Cuba, to which he 
gave the name of Point Serafin ; within which the 
coast swept to the east, forming a deep bay. After 
exploring this bay to the east, he continued westward, 
and proceeding about nine leagues, came to a shore 
where he had communications with the natives, one 
of whom he took as a guide. He had not gone far, 
before he was again involved in keys, shoals and 
sand banks. For several days he continued explo- 
ring the coast. As he proceeded, he found it took a 
general bend to the southwest. He went near that 
deep bay called by some the bay of Philipina, by 
others, of Cortes. All on board considered the ex- 
tent they had coasted, too great for this to be an 



CHAP. IV.] DISCOVERY OF ISLES IN 1494. 61 

island ; they felt confident this land was a continent, 
and the further investigation of the coast was relin- 
quished. Columbus stood to the southeast on the 
13th of June. He soon came in sight of a large 
island, to which he gave the name of Evangelista ; it 
is at present known as the island of Pines. He then 
stood to the south, but soon found himself enclosed 
in the lagoon of Siguanca. Leaving this lagoon, he 
retraced his course to the last anchoring place, and 
thence set sail on the 25th of June, navigating back 
through the groups of islands between Evangehsta 
and Cuba. At length they emerged from the cluster 
of islands called the Jardins and Jardinellos, and 
came to the open part of the coast of Cuba. On 
the 7th of July, they anchored in the mouth of a fine 
river, to which Columbus gave the name of Rio de 
la Misa. Here he remained till the 16th. On the 
18th, he reached Cape Cruz again.* 

The wind being contrary for a return to Hispa- 
niola, Columbus on the 22d of July, stood across for 
Jamaica, to complete the circumnavigation of that 
island. For nearly a month, he continued beating to 
the eastward along its sout|jern coast. On the ] 9th 
of August, he lost sight of its eastern extremity, to 
which he gave the name of Cape Farol ; it is called 
at present Point Morant. Steering eastward, he be- 
held on the following day, that long peninsula of His- 
paniola, known by the name of Cape Tiburon. To 
this, he gave the name of Cape San Miguel. About 
the end of August, he anchored at a small island or 
rather rock called by him Alto Velo ; it rises singly 

* Irving's Columbus, vol. 1, p. 270 to 286. 



62 DISCOVERY OF ISLES IN 1494. [BOOK I. 

out of the sea, opposite to a long cape, to which he 
gave the name of Cape Beata. For eight days he 
remained weather-bound in a channel opening be- 
tween Hispaniola and a small island, to which he 
gave the name of Saona. On the 24th, he reached 
the eastern extremity of Hispaniola, to which he gave 
the name of Cape San Rafael ; it is at present known 
as Cape Engano. Hence he stood to the southeast, 
touching at the island of Mona, situated between His- 
paniola and Porto Rico. Reaching now a known 
and tranquil sea, the excitement which had sustained 
him during his exertions, became abated, and mind 
and body sunk exhausted. He fell into a deep le- 
thargy, resembling death itself, and was borne in a 
state of insensibility to the harbour of Isabella.* 

* living's Columbus, vol. 1, p. 286 to 292. 



CHAP, v.] BARTHOLOMEW COLUMBUS. 63 



CHAPTER V. 

Of the application of Columbus, through his brother Bartholomew, to 
Henry the Seventh of England ; the arrival of Bartholomew at His- 
pauiola ; and the meeting there of the two brothers in 1494. 

When towards the end of 1484 Christopher Co- 
lumhus was about to leave Portugal, he engaged his 
brother Bartholomew to depart to England, with pro- 
posals to the monarch of that country.* If at this 
time the elder brother contemplated going to Spain, 
he may have feared that Ferdinand and Isabella, like 
the King of Portugal, would refuse to forward his 
enterprise, and desired to avoid the loss of time that 
there would be, if he delayed till such refusal to bring 
the subject to the notice of another prince. The 
ship in which Bartholomew sailed was, on its way, 
robbed by pirates. Owing to this, and his poverty 
and sickness away from home, the proposals intended 
to be made to the King of England, were not sub- 
mitted to him for several years. At length, he pub- 
lished in London, in the year 1488, a Map of the 
World, with some Latin verses on it, which Ferdi- 
nand Columbus, the son of Christopher, has, in his 
father's Life set down, he says, " rather for their an- 
tiquity than for their goodness." They are inserted 

* Irving's Columbus, vol. 1, p. 37 and 293. 



64 BARTHOLOMEW COLUMBUS. [book i. 

in Hakluyt's Collection of Voyages,* with the fol- 
lowing translation : 

" Thou which dcsireth easily the coasts of lands to know 

This comely map, right learnedly, the same to thee will shew 

Which Shabo, Pliny, Ptolemy and Isidore maintain 

Yet for all that, they do not, all in one accord remain 

Here also is set down, the late discovered burning zone 

By Portugals, unto the world which whilom was unknown 

Whereof the knowledge, now, at length, through all the world is blown." 

A little under which he added : 

" He whose dear native soil, bright stately Genoa 
Even he whose name is Bartholomew Colon de terra rubra 
The year of Grace a thousand and four hundred and four score 
And eight, and on the thirteenth day of February more 
In London published this work. To Christ all laud therefore." 

No sovereign, to whom Columbus made proposals, 
attended to them with more promptness, after they 
were received, than Henry the Seventh. An agree- 
ment was actually made with Bartholomew for the 
prosecution of the enterprise, and the latter departed 
for Spain in search of his brother. On reaching 
Paris he first received the joyful intelligence that 
Christopher Columbus had already made the dis- 
covery, and returned to Spain in triumph. Bartholo- 
mew made great haste to meet his brother in Spain, 
but on reaching Seville, found that the fleet for the 
Indias had sailed. He immediately repaired to the 
court then at Valladolid, and received the command 
of three ships freighted with supplies for the colony. 
With these he reached Isabella just after the depar- 
ture of the admiral for the coast of Cuba.f - 

The view of the little squadron of Columbus re- 
turning into the harbour, was a welcome sight to all 

* 3 Hakluyt, p. 2, 3. t 3 Hakluyt, p. 2, 3. Irving's Columbus, vol. 1, p. 295. 



CHAP, v.] BARTHOLOMEW COLUMBUS. 65 

his friends in Isabella ; and to none more so than to 
Bartholomew. A joyful and heartfelt surprise awaited 
the admiral on his arrival, in finding this brother at 
his bedside. His chief dependence had hitherto been 
on his brother Diego, whom he had made president 
of the junto formed to administer the affairs of the 
island during his absence. But the mild and peace- 
able disposition of Diego rendered him little capable 
of managing the concerns of a factious colony. Bar- 
tholomew was a more efficient character. He could 
be of great assistance in the present state of the 
colony, if he had high .official authority. Columbus, 
being anxious to relieve himself from the pressure of 
public business, which weighed heavily upon him 
during his malady, immediately invested Bartholomew 
with the title of Adelantado, an office equivalent to 
that of heutenant governor.* 

* Irving's Columbus, vol. 1, p. 262 and p. 295, 6, 



66 LEAGUE OF THE CACIQUES. [book i. 



CHAPTER VI. 

Of the departure, in the absence of Columbus, of some of the malcon- 
tents for Spain ; state of hostilities ; bold exploit of Alonzo de Ojeda ; 
Indian prisoners sent to Spain to be sold as slaves ; the interposi- 
tion of Isabella for them ; and the sufferings of the natives notwith- 
standing. 

While Columbus was absent from Isabella, Don 
Pedro Margarite and father Boyle, accompanied by a 
band of malcontents, had taken possession of certain 
of the ships in the harbour, and sailed for Spain ; the 
first general and apostle of the New World, thus set- 
ting the flagrant example of an unauthorized aban- 
donment of their posts. The departure of Margarite 
left the army without a head, and put an end to what 
little restraint and discipline existed at the time.* 

Immediately after the return of Columbus, while 
he was yet confined to his bed, the kind-hearted 
chieftain Guacanagari paid him a visit, and informed 
him of a secret league forming among the caciques, 
at the head of which was Caonabo, with whom there 
had been a state of war in his absence.f 

"To make war upon this subtle and ferocious chieftain, 
in the depths of his wild woodland territory, and among 
the fastnesses of his mountains, where at every step there 
would be danger of falling into some sudden ambush, would 
be a work of time, peril, and uncertain issue. In the mean- 



* Irving's Columbus, vol. 1, p. 297 to 305. 

t Id. p. 306 to 308. The following extract is from p. 308 to 310. 



CHAP. VI.] ALONZO DE OJEDA. 67 

while, the settlements would never be secure from his se- 
cret and daring enterprises, and the working of the mines 
would be subject to frequent interruption. While perplexed 
on this subject, Columbus was relieved by a bold proposi- 
tion on the part of Alonzo de Ojeda, who offered to take 
the Carib chieftain by stratagem, and deliver him alive into 
his hands. The project was wild, hazardous and romantic, 
characteristic of the fearless and adventurous spirit of Ojeda, 
who was fond of distinguishing himself by extravagant ex- 
ploits, and feats of desperate bravery. 

"Choosing ten bold and hardy followers, well armed and 
well mounted, and invoking the protection of his patroness 
the Virgin, whose image as usual he bore with him as a 
safeguard, Ojeda plunged into the forest, and made his way 
above sixty leagues at the head of his followers, into the 
wild territories of Caonabo, where he found the cacique in 
one of his most populous towns. Ojeda approached Cao- 
nabo with great deference and respect, treating him as a so- 
vereign prince. He informed him that he had come on a 
friendly embassy from the admiral, who was Guamiquina or 
chief of the Spaniards, and who had sent him an invaluable 
present. 

" Caonabo had tried Ojeda in battle ; he had witnessed 
his fiery prowess, and had conceived a warrior's admiration 
of him. He received him with a degree of chivalrous 
courtesy, if such a phrase may apply to the savage state 
and rude hospitality of a wild warrior of the forests. The 
free, fearless deportment, the great personal strength, and 
the surprising agility and adroitness of Ojeda in all manly 
exercises, and in the use of all kinds of weapons, were cal- 
culated to delight a savage, and he soon became a great fa- 
vourite with Caonabo. 

Ojeda now used all his influence to prevail upon the ca- 
cique to repair to Isabella, for the purpose of making a 
treaty with Columbus, and becoming the ally and friend of 



68 ALONZO DE OJEDA. 1^°^^ "• 

the Spaniards. It is said, that he offered him as a lure, the 
bell of the chapel of Isabella. This bell was the wonder 
of the island. When the Indians heard its melody sound- 
ing through the forests as it rung for mass, and beheld the 
Spaniards hastening towards the chapel, they imagined that 
it talked, and that the white men obeyed it. With that 
feeling of superstition with which they regarded all things 
connected with the Spaniards, they looked upon this bell 
as something supernatural, and in their usual phrase, said it 
had come from Turey, or the skies. Caonabo had heard 
this wonderful instrument at a distance, in the course of 
his prowlings about the settlement, and had longed to see 
it ; but when it was proffered to him as a present of peace, 
he found it impossible to resist the temptation. 

"The cacique agreed, therefore, to set out for Isabella; 
but when the time came to depart, Ojeda beheld with sur- 
prise a powerful force of warriors assembled, and ready to 
march. He asked the meaning of taking such an army on 
a mere friendly visit, to which the cacique proudly replied, 
that it was not befitting a great prince like him, to go forth 
scantily attended. Ojeda felt little satisfied with this re- 
ply; he knew the warlike character of Caonabo, and his 
deep subtilty, which is the soul of Indian warfare ; he 
feared some sinister design, and that the chieftain might 
meditate some surprise of the fortress of Isabella, or some 
attempt upon the person of the admiral. He knew also 
that it was the wish of Columbus, either to make peace 
with the cacique, or to get possession of his person without 
the alternative of open warfare. He had recourse to a stra- 
tagem, therefore, which has an air of fable and romance, 
but which is recorded by all the contemporary historians, 
with trivial variations, and which Las Casas assures lis was 
in current circulation in the island when he arrived there, 
about six years after the event. It accords, too, with the 
adventurous and extravagant character of the man, and with 



CHAP. VI.] ALONZO DE OJEDA. 69 

the wild stratagems and vaunting exploits incident to Indian 
warfare. 

"In the course of their march, having halted near the 
river Yagui, Ojeda one day produced a set of manacles of 
polished steel, so highly burnished that they looked like 
silver. These he assured Caonabo were royal ornaments 
which had come from heaven, or the Turey of Biscay ;* 
that they were worn by the monarchs of Castile on solemn 
dances, and other high festivities, and were intended as pre- 
sents to the cacique. He proposed that Caonabo should go 
to the river and bathe, after which he should be decorated 
with these ornaments, mounted on the horse of Ojeda, and 
should return in the state of a Spanish monarch, to astonish 
his subjects. The cacique, with that fondness for glitter- 
ing ornaments common to savages, was dazzled with the 
sight ; his proud military spirit, also, was flattered with the 
idea of bestriding one of those tremendous animals, so 
dreaded by his countrymen. He accompanied Ojeda and 
his followers to the river, with but few attendants, dreading 
nothing from nine or ten strangers when thus surrounded 
by his army. After the cacique had bathed in the river, 
he was assisted to mount behind Ojeda, and the shackles 
were then adjusted. This done, they pranced round among 
the savages, who were astonished to behold their cacique in 
glittering array, and mounted on one of those fearful ani- 
mals. Ojeda made several circuits to gain space, followed 
by his little band of horsemen ; the Indians shrinking back 
with affright from the prancing steeds. At length he made 
a wide sweep into the forest, until the trees shut him from 
the sight of the army. His followers then closed round 
him, and drawing their swords, threatened Caonabo with 
instant death if he made the least noise or resistance, though 
indeed his manacles and shackles effectually prevented the 



*The principal iron manufactories of Spain are established in Biscay, where that mi- 
neral is found in abundance. 



70 ALONZO DE OJEDA. [BOOK I. 

latter. They bound him with cords to Ojeda to prevent 
his falling, or effecting an escape ; then putting spurs to 
their horses, they dashed across the Yagui, and made off 
through the woods with their prize.* 

" They had now fifty or sixty leagues of wilderness to 
traverse on their way homewards, with here and there large 
Indian towns. They had borne off their captive by dint 
of hoof far beyond the pursuit of his subjects ; but the ut- 
most vigilance was requisite to prevent his escape during 
this long and toilsome journey, and to prevent exciting the 
hostilities of any confederate cacique. They had to avoid 
the populous parts of the country, therefore, or to pass 
through the Indian towns at full gallop. They suffered 
greatly from fatigue, hunger, and watchfulness; encounter- 
ing many perils, fording and swimming the numerous rivers 
of the plains, toiling through the deep tangled forests, and 
clambering over the high and rocky mountains. They ac- 
complished all in safety, and Ojeda entered Isabella in tri- 
umph from this most daring and characteristic enterprise, 
with his wild Indian warrior bound behind him a captive." 

Columbus determined to send Caonabo to Spain ; 
in the mean time, he ordered that he should be treat- 
ed with kindness and respect, and lodged him in a 
part of his own dwelling house, where, however, he 
kept him a close prisoner in chains, probably in the 
splendid shackles which had ensnared him.f 

The colony was sufTering greatly from want of 
provisions, when they were relieved by the arrival of 
four ships commanded by Antonio Torres. Colum- 

*This! romantic exploit of Ojeda is re- History of St. Domingo. Peter Martyr and 

corded at large by Las Casas, by his copy- others have given it more concisely, allu- 

ist Herrera, (Decad. 1, L. 2, c. 16,) by Fer- ding to, but not inserting, its romantic de- 

nando Pizarro in his Varones Illiistres del tails. 
Neuvo Mundo, and by Charlevoix in his f living's Columbus, vol. 1, p. 310 to 312. 



CHAP. VI.] FIVE HUNDRED NATIVES SENT TO SPAIN. 71 

bus determined that his brother Diego should return 
with the ships, and take all the gold that he could col- 
lect, and also specimens of other metals, and of fruits 
and plants. In his eagerness to produce immediate 
profit, and to indemnify the sovereigns for those ex- 
penses which bore hard upon the royal treasury, he 
sent hkewise above five hundred Indian prisoners, 
who he suggested might be sold as slaves at Seville.* 

" It is painful to find the brilliant renown of Columbus 
sullied by so foul a stain, and the glory of his enterprises 
degraded by such flagrant violations of humanity. The 
customs of the times, however, must be pleaded in his 
apology. The precedent had been given long before, by 
both Spaniards and Portuguese, in their African discove- 
ries, wherein the traffic in slaves had formed one of the 
greatest sources of profit. In fact, the practice had been 
sanctioned by the highest authority ; by that of the church 
itself; and the most learned theologians had pronounced all 
barbarous and infidel nations, who shut their ears to the 
truths of Christianity, as fair objects of war and rapine, of 
captivity and slavery. If Columbus needed any practical 
illustration of this doctrine, he had it in the conduct of 
Ferdinand himself, in his late wars with the Moors of Gra- 
nada, in which he had always been surrounded by a cloud 
of ghostly advisers, and had professed to do every thing 
for the glory and advancement of the faith. In this holy 
war, as it was termed, it was a common practice to make 
inroads into the Moorish territories and carry ofl" cavalga- 
das, not merely of flocks and herds, but of human beings, 
and those, not warriors taken with weapons in their hands, 
but quiet villagers, labouring peasantry, and helpless women 
and children. These were carried to the mart at Seville, 

* Irving's Columbus, vol. 1, p. 312 to 314. The extract which follows is p. 314, 15. 



72 INTERPOSITION OF ISABELLA. [book i. 

or to Other populous towns, and sold into slavery. The 
capture of Malaga was a memorable instance, where, as a 
punishment for an obstinate and brave defence, which 
should have excited admiration rather than revenge, eleven 
thousand people, of both sexes, and of all ranks and ages, 
many of them highly cultivated, and delicately reared, were 
suddenly torn from their homes, severed from each other, 
and swept into menial slavery, even though half of their 
ransoms had been paid. These circumstances are not ad- 
vanced to vindicate, but to palliate, the conduct of Colum- 
bus. He acted but in conformity to the customs of the 
times, and was sanctioned by the example of the sovereign 
under whom he served. 

" Las Casas, the zealous and enthusiastic advocate of the 
Indians, w^ho suffers no opportunity to escape him of ex- 
claiming in vehement terms against their slavery, speaks 
with indulgence of Columbus on this head. 'If those 
pious and learned men,' he observes, ' whom the sovereigns 
took for guides and instructors, were so ignorant of the 
injustice of this practice, it is no wonder that the unlet- 
tered admiral should not be conscious of its impropriety.' "* 

When the Indians who had been captured in the 
wars with the caciques arrived in Spain, royal orders 
were issued for their sale as slaves in the markets of 
Andalusia.f 

"Isabella, however, had been deeply interested by the 
accounts given of the gentle and hospitable character of 
these islanders, and of their great docility. The discovery 
had been made under her immediate auspices ; she looked 
upon these people as under her peculiar care, and she anti- 
cipated with pious enthusiasm the triumph of leading them 



* Las Casas, Hist. Ind. T. 1, cap. 122, MS. 

t Irving's Columbus, vol. 1, p. 328, 9. The extract following is also from p. 328, 9. 



CHAP. VI.] HOSTILITIES WITH THE NATIVES. 73 

from darkness into the path of light. Her compassionate 
spirit revolted at the idea of treating them as slaves, even 
though sanctioned by the customs of the times. Within 
five days after the royal order for the sale, a letter was 
written by the sovereigns to Bishop Fonseca, suspending 
that order, until they could inquire into the cause for which 
the Indians had been made prisoners, and consult learned 
and pious theologians whether their sale would be justi- 
fiable in the sight of God.* Much difference of opinion 
took place among divines on this important question ; the 
queen eventually decided it according to the dictates of her 
own pure conscience and charitable heart. She ordered 
that the Indians should be sent back to their native coun- 
try, and enjoined that the islanders should be conciliated 
by the gentlest means, instead of being treated with seve- 
rity. Unfortunately, her orders came too late to Hispaniola 
to have the desired effect." 

The yoke of servitude was fixed upon the poor 
natives who stayed upon the island. A league which 
Caonabo had in vain attempted to accomplish when 
at large was produced by his captivity. The allied 
caciques were assembled in great force, within two 
days march of Isabella, when Columbus resolved to 
take the field and carry the war into the territories of 
the enemy. It was on the 24th of JMarch 1495, that 
he issued forth from Isabella with his little army. It 
did not exceed two hundred infantry and twenty 
horse ; but they had aid of another kind — twenty 
bloodhounds.f 

" Columbus drew near to the enemy about the place 
where the town of St. Jagb has since been built. Having 



* Letter of the sovereigns to Fonseca. f Irving's Columbus, vol. 1, p. 315 to 

Navarrete, Collection de los Viages, T. 11, 318. The extract which follows is p. 318. 
Doc. 92. 

10 



74 HOSTILITIES WITH THE NATIVES. [book I. 

ascertained the great force of the Indians, Don Bartholo- 
mew advised that their little army should be divided into 
detachments, and should attack the enemy at the same mo- 
ment from several quarters: this plan was adopted. The 
infantry separating into different bodies, advanced suddenly 
from various directions, with great din of drums and trum- 
pets, and a destructive discharge of firearms from the co- 
vert of the trees. The Indians were struck with panic, 
and thrown into complete confusion. An army seemed 
pressing upon them from every quarter ; their fellow war- 
riors were laid low by the balls of the arquebusses, which 
seemed to burst with thunder and lightning from the fo- 
rests. While driven together and confounded by these at- 
tacks, Alonzo de Ojeda charged impetuously on their main 
body with his troop of cavalry, cutting his way into the 
centre with lance and sabre. The horses bore down the 
terrified Indians, while their riders dealt their blows on all 
sides unopposed. The bloodhounds were at the same time 
let loose, and rushed with sanguinary fury upon the naked 
savages, seizing them by the throat, dragging them to the 
earth, and tearing out their bowels. The Indians, unac- 
customed to large and fierce quadrupeds of any kind, were 
struck with horror when assailed by these ferocious ani- 
mals. They thought the horses equally fierce and devour- 
ing. The contest, if such it might be called, was of short 
duration. What resistance could a multitude of naked, un- 
warlike, and undisciplined savages make, with no other 
arms than clubs and arrows, and darts hardened in the fire, 
against soldiers clad in iron, wielding weapons of steel, 
and tremendous firearms, and aided by ferocious monsters 
whose very aspect struck terror to the heart of the stoutest 



warrior 



" The Indians fled in every direction with yells and bowl- 
ings ; some clambered to the top of rocks and precipices, 
from whence they made piteous supplications and offers of 



CHAP. VI.] SUFFERINGS OF THE NATIVES. 75 

complete submission ; many were killed, many made pri- 
soners, and the confederacy was for the time completely 
broken up and dispersed." 

Having been forced to take the field by the confe- 
deracy of the caciques, Columbus now asserted the 
right of a conqueror. . Anxious to make returns to 
Spain for the purpose of indemnifying the sovereigns 
for their expenses, and meeting public expectation, he 
determined to raise a large revenue from the island 
by imposing on the subjected provinces heavy tri- 
butes. This imposed on the natives a constant, ne- 
ver ending task. They were now obliged to grope, 
day by day, along the borders of the rivers sifting the 
sands for the grains of gold which every day grew 
more scanty ; or to labour in their fields, beneath the 
fervour of a tropical sun, to raise food for their task- 
masters. A desperate resolution was now taken by 
them. They agreed among themselves not to culti- 
vate articles of food, and to destroy those already 
growing ; hoping that thus, by producing a famine, 
they might starve the strangers from the island. This 
measure did indeed produce much distress among the 
Spaniards, but the most disastrous effects fell upon 
the natives themselves. The Spaniards pursued them. 
They took refuge in the most sterile and dreary 
heights ; flying from one wild retreat to another, the 
women with their children in their arms, or at their 
backs ; and all suffering dreadfully from fatigue and 
hunger, and harassed by perpetual alarms. Many 
thousands perished through famine, fatigue, terror, 
and the various maladies produced by their sufferings. 



76 SUFFERINGS OF THE NATIVES. [book i. 

The survivors returned in despair to their habitations 
and submitted to the yoke.* 

" Before passing on to other events, it may be proper here 
to notice the fate of Guacanagari, as he makes no further 
appearance in the course of this history. His friendship 
for the Spaniards had severed him from his countrymen, 
but it did not exonerate him from the general woes of the 
island. His territories, like those of the other caciques, 
were subjected to a tribute, which his people, with the 
common repugnance to labour, found it difficult to pay. 
Columbus, who knew his worth, and could have protected 
him, was long absent, either in the interior of the island, 
or detained in Europe by his own wrongs. In the interval, 
the Spaniards forgot the hospitality and services of Guaca- 
nagari, and his tribute was harshly exacted. He found 
himself overwhelmed with opprobrium from his country- 
men at large, and assailed by the clamours and lamenta- 
tions of his suffering subjects. The strangers whom he 
had succoured in distress, and taken as it were to the bosom 
of his native island, had become its tyrants and oppressors. 
Care, and toil, and poverty, and strong-handed violence, 
had spread their curses over the land, and he felt as if he 
had invoked them on his race. Unable to bear the hostili- 
ties of his fellow caciques, the woes of his subjects, and 
the extortions of his ungrateful allies, he took refuge at last 
in the mountains, where he died obscurely and in misery."* 

* Irving's Columbus, vol. 1, p. 319 to 323. The extract which follows is from p. 323, 4. 
t Charlevoix, Hist. St. Doming. Lib. 2. 



CHAP. VII.] ARRIVAL OF JUAN AGUADO IN 1495. 77 



CHAPTER VII. 

Of the arrival at Hispaniola of Juan Aguado as commissioner in 1495; 
the return of Columbus and Aguado to Spain in 1496 ; the favourable 
reception of Columbus by the sovereigns ; and their promise to him 
of another armament. 

The prejudiced representations of Margarite and 
father Boyle, supported by the testimony of others 
who returned with them to Spain, were not without 
effect. Towards the end of August 1495, Juan 
Aguado sailed from Spain as commissioner, with 
four caravels freighted with supplies for the colony. 
Diego Columbus returned in this squadron to His- 
paniola, and arrived at Isabella in October, while the 
admiral was absent occupied in re-establishing tran- 
quillity. The news of the arrival and arrogant con- 
duct of Aguado reached Columbus in the interior of 
the island ; he immediately hastened to Isabella and 
ordered that Aguado's letter of credence should be 
proclaimed by sound of trumpet, in presence of the 
populace. Aguado, after collecting information, as 
he thought, sufficient to ensure the ruin of the admi- 
ral and his brothers, prepared to return to Spain. 
Columbus resolved to do the same. He felt that it 
was time to appear at court and dispel the cloud of 
calumny that was gathering against him. When the 
ships were ready to depart, a terrible storm swept the 
island, destroying the four caravels of Aguado, with 



78 RETURN OF COLUMBUS TO SPAIN IN 1496. [BOOK I. 

two Others which were in the harbour. The only 
vessel which remained was the Nina, and that in a 
very shattered condition. Columbus gave orders to 
have her immediately repaired, and another caravel 
constructed out of the wrecks of those destroyed. 
While waiting till they should be ready, he was cheer- 
ed by tidings of rich mines in the interior. After en- 
quiry into the matter, he gave orders that a fortress 
should be erected on the banks of the Hayna, in the 
vicinity of the mines, and that they should be dili- 
gently worked.* 

The new caravel, the Santa Cruz, being finished, 
and the Nina repaired, Columbus made every ar- 
rangement for immediate departure. He appointed 
his brother Bartholomew to the command of the 
island, with the title already given him of Adelan- 
tado ; in case of his death, he was to be succeeded 
by his brother Diego. On the 10th of March 1496, 
the two caravels set sail for Spain, Columbus being 
in one and Aguado in the other. Those who wished 
to visit their wives and relations in Spain, and others 
w^ho could be spared from the island, returned in the 
caravels, which were crowded with two hundred and 
twenty-five passengers. There were also thirty In- 
dians on board, among whom were the cacique 
Caonabo, one of his brothers and a nephew. Co- 
lumbus had not then sufficient experience to make 
him work northward, so as to fall in with the tract of 
v\^esterly winds ; he took an easterly course, and in 
consequence had a tedious struggle against the trade 
winds and calms which prevail between the tropics. 

* Irving's Columbus, vol. 1, p. 324 to 336. 



CHAP. VII.] ANOTHER VOYAGE PROPOSED. 79 

At Guadaloupe a female cacique conceiving a pas- 
sion for Caonabo, left the island to accompany the 
natives of Hispaniola on board, taking with her also 
a young daughter. Leaving Guadaloupe on the 20th 
of April, they had again to work against the trade 
winds; and the provisions were so reduced during 
the long and tedious voyage, that by the beginning of 
June there was a famine on board. Land however 
was now soon seen. On the 11th of June, the ves- 
sels anchored in the bay of Cadiz, after a weary voy- 
age of about three months, in the course of which 
the unfortunate Caonabo died.* 

In the harbour of Cadiz, Columbus found three 
caravels, commanded by Pedro Alonzo JNino, on the 
point of sailing with supplies for the colony. They 
sailed the 17th of June. Tidings of the arrival of 
Columbus having reached the sovereigns, he received 
a letter from them, congratulating him on his return, 
and inviting him to court when he should have reco- 
vered from the fatigues of his voyage. He repaired 
to Bargus, where they were expected, and had a more 
favourable reception than he anticipated.! 

Columbus now proposed a farther enterprise, and 
asked eight ships; two to be dispatched to His- 
paniola, with supplies, the remaining six to be put 
under his command for a voyage of discovery. A 
compliance with this request was promised ; but there 
was great delay in the performance of the promise. 
It was not until the spring of 1497, that serious at- 
tention was given to the matter. The measures now 
taken are ascribed mainly to Isabella. The unhappy 

* Irving's Columbus, vol 1, p. 339 to 341. t W. p. 342 to 344. 



80 ANOTHER VOYAGE PROPOSED. [book I. 

natives were not forgotten by her. She ordered that 
the greatest care should be taken of their religious 
instruction, and the greatest leniency shewn in col- 
lecting the tributes imposed upon them. When the 
public safety should not require stern measures, a dis- 
position to easy rule was inculcated. While every 
disposition was shewn on her part to dispatch the ex- 
pedition to the colony, still difficulties arose. At 
length, the urgent representations of Columbus of 
the misery to which the colony must be reduced, 
caused two ships to be dispatched in the beginning 
of 1498, under the command of Pedro Fernandez 
Coronel, freighted with supplies. The queen herself 
advanced the necessary funds out of those intended 
to form the endowment of her daughter Isabella, then 
betrothed to Emanuel, king of Portugal. An in- 
stance of her kind feeling towards Columbus was 
also evinced in the time of her affliction by the death 
of her only son Prince Juan : the two sons of Co- 
lumbus, Diego and Fernando, had been pages to the 
deceased prince ; the queen now took them, in the 
same capacity, into her own service.* 

* Irving's Columbus, vol. 1, p. 345 to 352. 



CHAP. Vlii] VOYAGE OF CABOT. 



CHAPTER YIII. 

Of the discovery of North America by Sebastian Cabot. Explanation 
of the difference between the legal year as used in England before 
1759, and the year as generally used in historical chronology. Under 
a license which issued in February of the legal year 1497, Cabot 
having discovered North America in June following, that June shewn 
to be in 1498, and the discovery therefore not in 1497 but in 1498. 

Henry the Seventh, by letters patent, bearing date 
on the fifth day of March, in the eleventh year of his 
reign, that is to say on the fifth day of March 149f, 
granted to John Cabot, citizen of Venice, and to 
Lewis, Sebastian and Santius, sons of the said John, 
authority to sail to all parts, countries and seas of the 
east, of the west and of the north, with five ships 
and as many mariners or men as they will have them 
in the said ships, upon their own costs, to discover 
and occupy isles or countries, of the heathen and in- 
fidels, before unknown to christians, accounting to 
the king for a fifth part of the profit upon their re- 
turn to the port of Bristol, at which port only were 
they to arrive.* 

Of the voyage several accounts are to be found 
collected in Hakluyt. He gives the report of Galea- 
cius Butrigarius, the pope's legate in Spain, of a con- 



* Ilakluyt's Voyages, vol. 3, p. 5. 
11 



82 VOYAGE OF CABOT. [BOOK I. 

versation which Sebastian Cabot, when waxing old, 
had with him : it was to this effect : 

" When my father departed from Venice many years 
since to dwell in England, to follow the trade of merchan- 
dize, he took me with him to the City of London, while I 
was very young, yet having nevertheless some knowledge 
of letters of humanity and of the sphere. And when my 
father died, in that time when news were brought that 
Don Christopher Colonus, Genoese, had discovered the 
coasts of India, whereof was great talk in all the court of 
King Henry the Seventh, who then reigned, insomuch that 
all men with great admiration affirmed it to be a thing more 
divine than human, to sail by the west into the east where 
spices grew, by a way that was never known before, by 
this fame and report, there increased in my heart a great 
flame of desire to attempt some notable thing. And under- 
standing by reason of the sphere that if I should sail by 
way of the northwest, I should, by a shorter tract, come 
into India, I thereupon caused the king to be advertised of 
my device, who immediately commanded two caravels to 
be furnished with all things appertaining to the voyage, 
which was, as far as I remember, in the year 1496, in the 
beginning of summer. 1 began therefore to sail towards 
the northwest, not thinking to find any other land than 
that of Cathay, and from thence to turn towards India; 
but after certain days, I found that the land ran towards 
the north, which was to me a great displeasure. Neverthe- 
less, sailing along the coast to see if I could find any gulf 
that turned, I found the land still continent to the fifty- 
sixth degree under our pole. And seeing that there the 
coast turned towards the east, despairing to find the pas- 
sage, I turned back again, and sailed down by the coast of 
that land towards the equinoctial, (ever with intent to find 
the said passage to India,) and came to that part of this 



CHAP, vm] VOYAGE OF CABOT. 83 

firm land which is now called Florida, where, my victuals 
failing, I departed from thence and returned into England, 
where I found great tumults among the people and pre- 
paration for wars in Scotland, by reason whereof there was 
no more consideration had to this voyage. Whereupon I 
went into Spain to the catholic king."* 

We see in this account no disposition to detract 
from the just fame of Columbus, nor any allegation 
of Cabot's making more than one voyage under Henry 
the Seventh. The particular year of his voyage, and 
its extent, are left by this report in some uncertainty ; 
it remains to be seen, whether they can be more defi- 
nitely fixed ; other accounts will therefore be exa- 
mined. 

That taken from the fourth chapter of the second 
book of Francis Lopez de Gomara's general history 
of the West Indias is that Sebastian Cabot rigged up 
two ships at the cost of King Henry the Seventh, and 
carried with him three hundred men, and " took the 
way towards island from beyond the Cape of Labra- 
dor until he found himself in fifty-eight degrees and 
better ;" that in the month of July it was so cold, and 
the ice so great that he durst not pass any further ; 
that the days were very long, in a manner without 
any night, and for that short night that they had it 
was very clear ; that Cabot feeling the cold turned 
towards the west, refreshing himself at Baccalaos ; 
and that afterwards he sailed along the coast unto 
thirty-eight degrees, and thence shaped his course to 
return into England.f 

* Hakluyt's Voyages, vol. 3, p. 6, 7. f Id. 9. 



84 VOYAGE OF CABOT. [book i. 

In the sixth chapter of the third decade of Peter 
Martyr of Angleria, the statement is, that Sebastian 
Cabot furnished two ships in England, at his own 
charges, and with three hundred men directed his 
course so far toward the north pole, that even in July 
he found heaps of ice swimming in the sea, and in 
manner continuing all day light, yet saw he the land 
in that tract free from ice, which had been molten by 
the heat of the sun ; that seeing such heaps of ice 
before him, he was enforced to turn his sails ; that 
coasting by the shore, he was brought so far into the 
south, by reason of the land bending so much south- 
wards, that it was there almost equal in latitude with 
the sea Fretum Herculeum, having the north pole ele- 
vate in manner in the same degree ; that he sailed 
in this tract so far that he had the island of Cuba on 
his left hand, in manner in the same degree of longi- 
tude ; that he found the like course of the waters to- 
wards the west, but running more softly and genfty 
than the swift waters which the Spaniards found in 
their navigations southwards ; that Cabot named the 
lands which he saw Baccalaos, because that in the 
seas thereabout, he found multitudes of fish which the 
inhabitants called Baccalaos.* 

These accounts (as given by Hakluyt) concur in 
sustaining the view, that what is frequently repre- 
sented as having happened in two voyages, all hap- 
pened in one, and that Cabot was on the coast of 
America as far north as the fifty-sixth or fifty-eighth 
degree of latitude. Mr. Biddle in his memoir of 
Cabot,t expresses the opinion, that he reached the 

* 3 Hakluyt, p. 8, 9. t Id. p. 26 to 35. 



CHAP. VIII.] VOYAGE OF CABOT. 85 

latitude of sixty-seven degrees, perhaps sixty-seven 
and a half. And some support for this opinion is to 
be found in the account taken from the preface of 
Ramusius to the third volume of his navigations, 
namely, that Cabot sailed unto the latitude of sixty- 
seven degrees and an half, under the north pole, and 
finding the sea open, would have passed that way to 
Cathaia, if the mutiny of the ship-master and mari- 
ners had not hindered him and made him return 
homeward.* But the weight of authority seems to 
be strongly opposed to this account of Ramusius. 

The accounts as so given in Hakluyt, likewise au- 
thorize the conclusion that Cabot sailed south along 
the coast, for a very considerable distance ; and if the 
statement in Peter Martyr is to be relied on, he was 
as far south as what is now Virginia. For Hercules 
Columnse, being Hercules's pillar, (by the straits of 
Gibraltar,) and /return meaning straits, fretum Hercu- 
leum, is, doubtless, the straits of Gibraltar, through 
which the thirty-sixth degree passes ; and the same 
degree passes through what is now Albemarle Sound 
on the coast of North Carolina. 

The year of the voyage of Cabot is yet to be 
fixed. Dr. Robertson, in the ninth book of his his- 
tory of America, states that the patent was granted 
on the 5th of March 1495, in less than two years 
after the return of Columbus from America; that 
Cabot did not set out on his voyage for two years ; 
and that he embarked at Bristol in May 1497, and 
discovered land the 24th of June. Dr. Graham 
makes a similar statement in the first book of his co- 

*3 Hakluyt, p. 7,8. 



86 CONFUSION IN CHRONOLOCr. [book i. 

lonial history. These historians and others writing 
on the same subject, have made a mistake in refer- 
ence to this matter, from not having their attention 
turned to the day on which the year commenced in 
England, in the latter part of the fifteenth century. 

It is left to legislators to determine on what day the 
year shall commence ; and very different times have 
been prescribed in different nations for its commence- 
ment; some beginning it with the vernal equinox, 
which formerly happened on the 25th of March ; 
some with the autumnal equinox ; and some at other 
different times. In England the civil or legal year 
formerly commenced on the day of the annunciation, 
the 25th of March, whilst the day of the circumcision, 
the 1st of January, was that on which the year gene- 
rally began in catholic countries, and that to which 
writers of history are usually supposed to refer. 

An act of the English parliament passed in 1751, 
(after March,) enacted that the year should thereafter 
begin on the 1st of January ; and the following 1st 
of January and the succeeding days to the 25th of 
March, were consequently dated as 1752, which other- 
wise would have been 1751. 

In respect to any matter happening (under the au- 
thority of England) before the 1st of January 1752, 
there has often been confusion in describing the year 
of the event, where it happened between the 31st of 
December and the 25th of March. A day during the 
intervening two months and twenty-four days which 
one would mention as in 1497, and correctly so men- 
tion, if regard was had to the legal year in England, 
another would mention as in 1498, and with equal 



CHAP. VIII.] N. AMERICA DISCOVERED JUNE 1498. 87 

correctness, if regard was had to the year as it pre- 
vailed in cathohc countries generally, or as it was 
usually understood in historical chronology. This 
might be so to the 24th of March inclusive, while the 
very next day (the 25th of Maixh) and every subse- 
quent day to the 31st of December would have to be 
described by all as in 1498. Hence any matter hap- 
pening within the two months and twenty-four days, 
has to be expressed with care to prevent misconcep- 
tion. This should be done by placing two figures at 
the end ; thus, March 5, 1491 ; the upper figure (5 in 
this case) indicating the English legal year at that pe- 
riod, and the lower figure (6 in this case) indicating 
the year generally referred to in historical chronology, 
and the same that is now used in our calendar.* 

To apply these remarks. The first return of Co- 
lumbus from America was in March 1493; consider- 
ing the year as having commenced (as it did in Spain 
and Portugal) on the 1st of January. The patent 
granted by Henry the Seventh, was (as has been al- 
ready stated) in the eleventh year of his reign. This 
king having ascended the throne on the 22d of Au- 
gust 1485, the grant in his eleventh year was between 
August 1495 and August 1496, and being in March, 
was of course in the March which was after August 

1495, and before August 1496, that is to say, in March 

1496, according to the calendar as then used in Spain 
and Portugal, and as now used in England and Ame- 
rica. The grant was therefore about three years after 
the return of Columbus from America, instead of two 



*From Notitia Hislorica; Hone's Year Book under Sept. 3, p. 1037, of Lend. edi. of 
1845; Brewster's Edinburgh Encyclopedia, title Chronology. 



88 N. AMERICA DISCOVERED JUNE 1498. [book I. 

as Dr. Robertson and Dr. Graham have supposed. 
There being no error in stating the grant to Cabot to 
have been on the 5th of March 1495, (according to 
the legal year as it then was) it is not surprising that 
this grant should hq^e been mentioned as two years 
after the return of Columbus in March 1493 ; but it 
is not the less a mistake. 

The mistake is continued in respect to the year of 
the discovery of North America by Cabot. It is cor- 
rectly stated that Cabot did not set out on his voyage 
for two years after the grant ; but taking this to be 
so, the May that he embarked was not May 1497, but 
May 1498. This is established by the document 
called by Mr. Biddle in his memoir of Cabot (and by 
others who have adopted his idea) a second patent. 

This document is a license granted by Henry the 
Seventh, on the 3d day of February, in the thirteenth 
year of his reign, to John Cabot, to take in any place 
in England, six English ships, of the burthen of two 
hundred tons or under, with the necessary apparel, 
and receive into the said ships such mariners and 
other subjects as of their own free will would go with 
him.* The thirteenth year of the reign in which this 
hcense issued, commenced on the 22d of August 
1497, and ended on the 21st of August 1498. The 
license, therefore, issued on the 3d day of February 
next after August 1497, and next before August 1498. 
This 3d day of February was in 1497, merely by rea- 
son of the fact that the year then ended on the 24th 
of March : the May following was May 1498. Yet 
it having been seen that the license issued in Febru- 

* Vol. 3 of Hakluyt's Voyages, p. 6. Biddle's Memoir of Cabot, p. 75. 



CHAP. VIH.] N. AMERICA DISCOVERED JUNE 1498. 89 

ary 1497, and that the ships sailed the May following, 
the error has constantly been committed, of stating 
that they sailed in May 1497. 

Thus at page six of the third volume of Hakluyt, 
it is stated that in the year 1497, John Cabot and his 
son Sebastian, (with an EngHsh fleet set out from 
Bristol,) discovered that land, which no man before 
that time had attempted, on the 24th of June, about 
five of the clock, early in the morning. The ac- 
count proceeds : " This land, he called Prima Vista, 
that is to say, first seen, because, as I suppose, it was 
that part whereof they had the first sight from sea. 
That island which lieth out before the land, he called 
the island of St. John, upon this occasion, as 1 think, 
because it was discovered upon the day of John the 
Baptist." Although the matter here stated is men- 
tioned in Hakluyt, as taken out of the map of Sebas- 
tian Cabot, there is no sufficient ground for inferring 
that Cabot had put on the map that he made the dis- 
covery the 24th of June 1497. He may have put on it 
in one place Prima Vista and in another St. John ; and 
he may in some way have communicated the fact that 
the discovery was on the 24th of June, at five A. M. 
But the statement that the discovery was in 1497, is 
the mistake, probably, of some other person. 

Of the fact that the discovery was not in 1497 but 
in 1498, there is farther evidence. The time of the 
departure from Bristol is in the Chronicle of Robert 
Fabian (referred to in Hakluyt's Voyages* as in the 
custody of John Stow,) stated to be in the beginning 
of May, in the thirteenth year of King Henry the 



* Vol. 3, p. 9. 

12 



90 N. AMERICA DISCOVERED JUNE 1498. [book i. 

Seventh, which was May 1498, and is in Stow's An- 
nals (referred to by Mr. Biddle, in his Memoir of 
Cabot,*) stated to be in 1498, in the mayoralty of 
WilHam Purchas, which mayoralty Mr. Biddle states 
to have extended from the 28th of October 1497, to 
the 28th of October 1498. 

In the Chronicle of Fabian there is mention also 
in the time of William Purchas being mayor, of three 
men taken in the new found island. " These," he 
says, " were clothed in beasts' skins and did eat raw 
flesh and spake such speech that no man could un- 
derstand them, and in their demeanor like to brute 
beasts, whom the king kept a time after ; of the 
which, upon two years after, I saw two apparalled, 
after the manner of Englishmen in Westminster pa- 
lace which that time, I could not discern from Eng- 
lishmen till I was learned what they were, but as for 
speech, I heard none of them utter one word."t 
The statement in Hakluyt is that the three savages 
were brought home by Cabot, and presented to the 
king in the fourteenth year of the reign, that is du- 
ring the year ending the 21st day of August 1499. 
Mr. Biddle supposes the presentation to the king to 
have been in the seventeenth year of the reign. But 
this is entirely consistent with the fact that they were 
not brought to England till in or after 1498. 

The conclusion that the first discovery of land by 
any of the Cabots was on the 24th of June 1498, is 
sustained by Mr. Hume. His History of England 
was pubhshed in 1761, only nine years after the com- 
mencement of the year was changed, and when for 

* p. 43. t Hakluyt, vol. 3, p. 9, 10. 



CHAP. Vlll.J N. AMERICA DISCOVERED JUNE 1498. 91 

that reason the effect of the change was more likely 
to occur to him than to others who have written at a 
later period. In his twenty-fifth chapter, after refer- 
ring to the accident by which England was deprived 
of the services of Columbus, he says : 

" Henry was not discouraged by this disappointment. 
He fitted out Sebastian Cabot, a Venetian settled in Bristol, 
and sent him westward in 1498 in search of new countries. 
Cabot discovered the main land of America towards the 
sixtieth degree of northern latitude : he sailed southwards 
along the coast and discovered Newfoundland and other 
countries, but returned to England without making any 
conquest or settlement." 

This conclusion is however opposed to Mr. Biddle's 
idea as to the purport of the license of the 3d of 
February 149f. He regards this license as reciting 
a previous discovery of land and isles by John Cabot. 
In reference to this it is to be observed that at the 
period in question the opinion of Columbus was uni- 
versally adopted that Cuba was the end of the Asiatic 
continent, and that the adjacent islands were in the 
Indian seas.* Cabot's object was, by a different 
route, that northwest, which he thought would be 
shorter, to come to the same land and isles which 
Columbus had then lately found. According to the 
account in Fabian's Chronicle, Cabot made himself 
" very expert and cunning in knowledge of the cir- 
cuit of the world and islands of the same, as by a sea 
card and other reasonable demonstrations he shewed;" 
and therefore the king, in the thirteenth year of his 

* Irving's Columbus, vol. 1, p. 182. 



92 N. AMERICA DISCOVERED JUNE 1498. [book i. 

reign, caused to man and victual a ship at Bristol to 
search for an island which he said he knew well was 
rich and replenished with great commodities. Yet it 
is not to be inferred that he had seen that island. 
And so the circumstance of the license of the 3d of 
February 149|, authorizing John Cabot to take ships 
with their apparel, and them " convey and lead to the 
land and isles of late found ; by the said John, in our 
name and by our commandment," should not be re- 
garded as necessarily importing that John Cabot had, 
before the date of that license, in the name and by 
the commandment of the king, found the land and 
isles, but rather as referring to the land and isles then 
of late found, and directing John Cabot, in the name 
and by the commandment of the king, to convey and 
lead the ships and men to the said land and isles. 

According to the report of the pope's legate it was 
when the father of Sebastian Cabot died, that the voy- 
age of discovery was made. So far as this statement 
goes, it furnishes further evidence that 1498 was the 
year of that discovery ; for the license of the 3d of 
February 149|, being to John Cabot, the inference is 
that he was then alive, and if the discovery w^as on 
the 24th of June next after his death, it could not 
have been earlier than the 24th of June 1498. 

Of the Cabots, Sebastian appears to have greatly 
excelled his father in genius and nautical science. 
Their place of residence was Bristol. But the ac- 
counts do not concur as to the birth place of Sebas- 
tian ; sometimes Venice and sometimes Bristol being 
mentioned as the place. From folio 225 of a volume 
of " Decades of the New World," published in 1555 



CHAP, vin.] N. AMERICA DISCOVERED JUNE 1498. 93 

by Richard Eden, Mr. Biddle has extracted* a mar- 
ginal note of Eden, to this effect : " Sebastian Cabot 
told me that he was born in Bristol, and that at four 
years old, he was carried with his father to Venice, 
and so returned again into England with his father 
after certain years, whereby he was thougiit to have 
been born in Venice." 

The precise day of the birth of Sebastian is not 
ascertained. But 1477 is generally set down as the 
year, which would make him about twenty-one at the 
time of the discovery in 1498 : he appears to have 
been early instructed in the knowledge proper for a 
seaman. In a life of Americus Vespucius, published 
at New York in 1846, by Messrs. Lester and Foster,! 
it is stated that Sebastian Cabot was born in 1467 ; 
but no sufficient authority has been found for this 
statement ; and it seems improbable. Cabot died in 
1557, and supposing him to have been born in 1477 
was then at the advanced age of eighty. It will be 
seen hereafter that he joined in the dance the year 
before his death, and it is going far enough to sup- 
pose him then seventy-nine. 

The part of America first seen and named by Ca- 
bot is generally considered to have been the present 
Newfoundland. Mr. BiddleJ adverting to this matter 
states that in regard to it, an important, and in his 
opinion, conclusive piece of testimony is furnished by 
Ortelius, who had the map of Cabot before him and 
places an island of St. John in the latitude of fifty- 
six degrees immediately on the coast of Labrador. 

* Memoir of Cabot, p. C8. f P. 44. " J Memoir of Cabot, p. 51. 



94 S. AMERICA DISCOVERED AUG. 1498. [book I. 



CHAPTER IX. 

Of the discovery of the contincDt of South America by Columbus in 
August 1498 ; and the treatment which he experienced afterwards. 

There is no foundation for the statement so often 
made that the voyage of Columbus in which he first 
saw the continent of America, was a year after Ca- 
bot's discovery. Notwithstanding the great delays in 
preparing the vessels for the third voyage of Colum- 
bus, he sailed from the port of St. Lucar de Barra- 
meda, on the 30th of May 1498 ; being the same 
month that Cabot sailed from Bristol. He arrived at 
Gomera on the 19th, and left there the 21st of June. 
Off the island of Ferro, he divided his squadron, dis- 
patching three of the ships direct for Hispaniola, to 
carry supplies, and prosecuting his voyage with the 
three remaining vessels towards the Cape de Verd 
islands. As he advanced within the tropics, the change 
of climate and the close and sultry weather which pre- 
vailed, brought on a severe attack of the gout which 
was followed by a violent fever. Yet he continued 
to keep his reckoning and make his observations. 
On the 27th he arrived among the Cape de Verd 
islands. Leaving Buena Vista on the 3th of July, and 
proceeding southwest, he found himself on the 13th, 
according to his observations, in the fifth degree of 
north latitude. Finding the heat intolerable, he al- 
tered his course and " steered westward. Day after 



CHAP. IX.] s. AMERICA DISCOVERED AUG. 1498. 95 

day passed without reaching land ; and the necessities 
of the ships became urgent. Wherefore, supposing 
himself in the longitude of the Caribbee islands, he 
sailed northward in search of them. On the 31st of 
July, three mountains were seen, which as the ships 
drew nearer, appeared united at the base. Colum- 
bus gave to this island the name of La Trinidad (the 
Trinity) which it continues to bear.* 

While coasting the island on the 1st of August, Co- 
lumbus beheld land to the south. It was that low 
tract of coast intersected by the numerous branches 
of the Oronoco. Columbus supposing it to be an 
island, gave it the name of La Isla Santa ; having no 
idea that he was then beholding the main continent. 
On the 2d of August he continued on to the south- 
west point of Trinidad, which he called Point Arenal. 
It stretched towards a corresponding point of Terra 
Firma, making a narrow pass, with a high rock in 
the centre, to which he gave the name of El Gallo. 
Near this pass the ships cast anchor. He afterwards 
proceeded through the strait to the inner side of 
Trinidad. To his left spread that broad gulf since 
known by the name of Paria. He continued north- 
ward towards a mountain at the northwest point of 
the island, about fourteen leagues from Point Arenal. 
Here he beheld two lofty capes opposite each other ; 
one on the island of Trinidad, the other to the west, 
on the long promontory of Paria, which stretches 
from the main land, and forms the northern side of 
the gulf, but to which Columbus, mistaking it for an 
island, gave the name of Isla de Gracia. After sail- 

* Irving's Columbus, vol. 1, p. 355 to 360. 



96 S. AMERICA DISCOVERED AUG. 1498. [book I. 

ing several leagues along the coast, he anchored on 
Monday the 6th of August, but seeing no person, 
continued further westward, and anchored in a river 
where he had friendly intercourse with the natives. 
Taking some of them as guides, he proceeded eight 
leagues farther westward to a point which he called 
Aguja, or the Needle. On the neighbouring coast, 
called by Columbus the Gardens, the attention of the 
Spaniards was aroused by the strings of pearls which 
they saw around the arms of the natives. Columbus 
left the Gardens on the 10th of August, and conti- 
nued to coast westward somewhat farther, but finding 
it difficult to get along in this direction, changed his 
course, and on the 11th set sail eastward until he got 
through that formidable pass called the Boca del 
Dragon. On leaving this pass, he saw to the north- 
east, many leagues distant, two islands, which he 
called Assumption and Conception, probably those 
now known as Tobago and Grenada. On the 15th 
he discovered the islands of Margarita and Cabagua, 
afterwards famous for their pearl fishery. There was 
great temptation to linger near these shores, and to 
visit other spots which the Indians mentioned as 
abounding in pearls. The coast of Paria also con- 
tinued extending westward as far as the eye could 
reach, rising into a range of mountains, and pro- 
voking examination to ascertain whether, as he con- 
jectured, it was a part of the Asiatic continent. Co- 
lumbus was compelled, by a disease of his eyes, to 
forego this investigation, and bear away for His- 
paniola. After sailing for five days to the north- 
west, he reached that island on the 19th of August, 



CHAP. IX.] bOBADILLa's treatment of COLUMBUS. 97 

fifty leagues to the vveslward of the river Ozema, and 
anchored on the following morning twenty leagues 
nearer that river, under the little island of Beata. 
Here he procured an Indian messenger to take a 
letter to his brother Bartholomew, who was supposed 
to be at the river Ozema, where he had erected a 
fortress which was the origin of the City of St. Do- 
mingo. Columbus arrived off the mouth of the river 
the 30th of August, but was met on the way by a 
caravel, on board of which was his brother, who, 
having received his letter, had hastened to welcome 
him. The meeting of the brothers was a joyful one. 
Yet attached as they were to each other, Bartholo- 
mew could not but be deeply concerned to see his 
brother so much worsted. Columbus arrived almost 
the wreck of himself; haggard, emaciated and nearly 
blind.* 

It is not proposed here to give any relation of the 
occurrences on the island durinor the long absence of 
Columbus. An interesting account of them is given 
by Mr. Irving,t who speaks of the ability shewn by 
Bartholomew Columbus, in the course of his transient 
government, yet remarks that his good intentions and 
judicious arrangements (as in the case of his brother,) 
were constantly thwarted by the bad passions and im- 
proper conduct of others. 

Neither is it designed here to give any history of 
the government of Columbus, after his arrival at His- 
paniola, or of the mission on which Bobadilla was 
sent from Spain in July 1500, or of the proceedings 
of this commissioner. These are narrated by Mr. 



* Irving's Columbus, vol. 1, p. 361 to 373. f Id. p. 379 to 411. 

13 



98 BOBADILLA's treatment of COLUMBUS. [book I. 

Irving in a manner to interest every reader.* It must 
suffice here to state that Bobadilla put Columbus 
and his brothers in chains, confined the former in a 
fortress and the latter on board the caravels, without 
permitting any communication between them, and 
sent all three in the vessels which sailed for Spain in 
October. Alonzo de Villeja, who was appointed to 
conduct the prisoners to Spain, was deeply moved 
at the treatment of Columbus. The master of the 
caravel, Andreas Martin, was equally grieved : they 
both treated the admiral with profound respect and 
assiduous attention. They would have taken ofl^ his 
irons, but to this he would not consent. " No !" said 
he proudly, " their majesties commanded me by letter 
to submit to whatever Bobadilla should order in their 
name ; by their authority he has put upon me these 
chains : I will wear them until they shall order them 
to be taken off, and I will preserve them afterwards 
as relics and memorials of the reward of mv ser- 
vices." — " He did so," adds his son Fernando, " I 
saw them always hanging in his cabinet, and he re- 
quested that when he died they might be buried with 
him." 

The arrival of Columbus at Cadiz, a prisoner and 
in chains, produced almost as great a sensation as his 
triumphant return from his first voyage. A great re- 
action in the public mind was immediately mani- 
fested : the heart of Isabella was filled with mingled 
sympathy and indignation : and both sovereigns has- 
tened to give evidence that his imprisonment had 
been without their authority and contrary to their 

* Irving's Columbus, vol. 2, p. 2 to 56. 



CHAP. IX.] BOBADILLa's treatment of COLUMBUS. 99 

wishes. They sent orders that the prisoners should 
be instantly set at hberty and treated with all distinc- 
tion : they wrote a letter to Columbus, couched in 
terms of gratitude and affection, expressing their grief 
at all that he had suffered, and inviting him to court : 
they ordered that two thousand ducats should be ad- 
vanced to defray his expenses. Columbus appeared in 
court in Granada on the 17th of December, and was 
received by the sovereigns with unqualified favour 
and distinction. They expressed their indignation at 
the proceedings of Bobadilla, which they disavowed 
as contrary to their instructions, and promised that he 
should be immediately dismissed from his command.* 
The person chosen to supersede him was Don Ni- 
cholas de Ovando. His government extended over 
the islands and Terra Firma of which Hispaniola was 
to be the metropolis. f 

* living's Columbus, vol. 2, p. 57 to 60. f I«l- P- 67 to C9, 



100 AMERICUS VESPUCIUS. [book i. 



CHAPTER X. 

Of the voyage of Americus Vespucius with Alonzo de Ojeda and of 
other voyages from Spain, made along the coast of South America 
in 1499 and 1500. 

Americus Vespucius was born in Florence on the 
9th of March 1451, of a noble but not at that time a 
wealthy family. His father's name was Anastatio ; 
his mother's was Ehzabetta Mini. He was the third 
of their sons, and received an excellent education un- 
der his uncle, Georgio Antonio Vespucci, a learned 
friar of the fraternity of San Marco, who was instruc- 
tor to several illustrious personages of that period. 
Americus visited Spain and took up his residence in 
Seville to attend to some commercial transactions on 
account of the family of the Medici of Florence, and 
to repair, by his ingenuity, the losses and misfortunes 
of an unskilful brother. The date of his arrival in 
Spain is uncertain.* In the Life of Americus by 
Lester and Foster, it is stated that his departure for 
Spain took place some time in 1490.t He seems to 
have gone to Barcelona,! and to have been there en- 
gaged in mercantile business before the 30th of Janu- 
ary 1492.^ Soon after this time he went to Seville. || 

After the return of Columbus from his first voyage, 
Ferdinand and Isabella contracted with Berardi to 



*Irving's Columbus, vol. 2, p. 247, Appendix No. 10. 

t Life of Vespucius, p. 70. J Id. p. 72. $ Id. p. 74. |j Id. p. 75. 



CHAP. X.] AMERICUS VESPUCIUS. 101 

furnish and equip four armaments to be forwarded at 
different times to the new world, and Americus is 
found to be busily occupied, in connexion with him, 
receiving payments and entering into obligations in 
his behalf and name. Some have thought that he 
was only the agent of Berardi in these transactions ; 
but there is ground for supposing that he may have 
been a partner in the house, as after the death of 
Berardi, Americus continued to manage the affairs of 
the armaments and was paid large sums of money by 
the government for equipments previously effected. 
It has been suggested by some historians that Ameri- 
cus accompanied Columbus upon his second voyage, 
but there is no evidence to sustain the opinion, and 
his own accounts tend to contradict it.* 

While providing for the dispatch of the four cara- 
vels, Americus, of course, had occasional opportunity 
of conversing with Columbus ; he soon became anx- 
ious to visit the newly discovered countries. Hav- 
ing made himself well acquainted with geographical 
and nautical science, he prepared to launch in the 
career of discovery, and soon carried this design into 
execution.! 

Mr. Lester argues that Americus made a voyage in 
1497, but says, after all, it is unimportant to come to 
any decision on this point. Even if Americus had 
discovered the main land before Columbus, by a few 
months, he admits this could take nothing from the 
name and fame of that great man. " He, at any rate, 
arrived at the continent, without assistance from any 
source but his own strength of mind, and to him, 

* Life of Vespucius, p. 75. f Irving's Columbus, vol. 2, p. 248, Appendix No. 1. 



103 VOYAGES PROM SPAIN IN 1499, [book i. 

whatever may have been the good fortune of any of 
his cotemporaries, belongs the glory of the grand dis- 
covery of a new world. The first glimpse that he 
obtained of the luxuriant islands of the Western ocean 
rendered him immortal, and all subsequent discoveries 
followed his own almost as a matter of course."* 

There is, however, no evidence that Americus pro- 
ceeded on any voyage to the west until May 1499, 
when he accompanied Alonzo de Ojeda who sailed 
from Port St. Mary opposite Cadiz with four vessels. 
Ojeda pursued the route of Columbus in his third 
voyage, being guided by the chart he had sent home, 
as well as by the mariners who had been with him. 
The part of the continent reached by Ojeda was south 
of the part discovered by Columbus. It is supposed 
to have been the coast of Surinam. Hence he ran 
along the coast of the gulf of Paria, passing the 
mouths of many rivers, but especially those of the 
Esquivo and the Oronoco, and seeing none of the na- 
tives until arriving at Trinidad. He passed through 
the strait of the Boca del Drago, and then steered 
along Terra Firma, landing occasionally, until he ar- 
rived at Curiana or the gulf of Pearls. Hence he 
stood to the opposite island of Margarita. This, as 
well as several adjacent islands, he visited and ex- 
plored ; after which he returned to the main land and 
touched at Cumana and Maracapana. Saihng again, 
he touched at the island of Curazao, and proceeding 
along the coast he arrived at a vast deep gulf, on the 
eastern side of which was a village of peculiar con- 
struction. From resemblances to the Italian city, 

* Life of Americus Veapucius, p. 103. 



CHAP. X.] VOYAGES FROM SPAIN IN 1499. 103 

Ojeda gave to the bay the name of the gulf of Ve- 
nice, and it is called at the present day Venezuela or 
Little Venice. Continuing to explore this gulf Ojeda 
penetrated to a port or harbour to which he gave the 
name of St. Bartholomew, but which is supposed to be 
the same at present known by the original Indian name 
of Maracaibo. Proceeding along the western shores 
of the gulf of Venezuela and standing out to sea and 
doubling Cape Maracaibo, Ojeda pursued his coast- 
ing voyage from port to port and promontory to pro- 
montory of this unknown continent until he reached 
that long stretching head land called Cape de la 
Vela. Then he changed his course and stood across 
the Caribbean sea for Hispaniola. After stopping- 
there, he resumed his voyage and visited various 
islands, whence he carried off numbers of the natives. 
He at length arrived at Cadiz in June 1500, with his 
ships crowded with captives whom he sold as slaves. 
Yet when all the expenses of the expedition were de- 
ducted but five hundred ducats remained to be di- 
vided between fifty-five adventurers.* 

Another armament which departed from Spain, a 
few days after that of Ojeda, had a better pecuniary 
result. Pedro Alonzo Nino who had been with Co- 
lumbus to Cuba and Paria, sailed from the little port 
of Palos in a small bark about the beginning of June 
1499. Guided by the chart of Columbus, Nino 
reached the southern continent, a little beyond Paria, 
about fifteen days after the same coast had been vi- 
sited by Ojeda. Proceeding to the gulf of Paria, he 

* Irving's Columbus, vol. 9, p. 25 to 30. Id. p. 214, 15, Appendix No. 2, and p. 248 to 
260, Appendix No. 10. Voyages of Companions of Columbus, p. 3 to 27. 



104 VOYAGES FROM SPAIN IN 1499. [book i. 

landed to cut dye-wood, and then passing by the Boca 
del Drago, steered for the island of Margarita where 
he obtained a considerable quantity of pearls by bar- 
ter. Nino and his companions skirted the opposite 
coast of Cumana, trading cautiously and shrewdly 
from port to port : they were convinced that this was 
a part of Terra Firma. After proceeding westward 
somewhat farther, they returned to Cumana and sailed 
for Spain. The little bark anchored safely at Bayonne 
in Galhcia about the middle of April 1500; after 
performing the richest voyage yet made to the new 
world.* 

Vicente Yanez Pinzon, one of three brave bro- 
thers who aided Columbus in his first voyage, sailed 
from Palos with an armament of four caravels in the 
beginning of December 1499. In the eighth degree 
of southern latitude he beheld land afar off on the 
28th of January, to which he gave the name of 
Santa Maria de la Consolacion, from the sight of it 
having consoled him in the midst of doubts and per- 
plexities. It is now called Cape St. Augustine, and 
forms the most prominent part of the empire of 
Brazil. After taking formal possession of the terri- 
tory for the Castilian crown, Pinzon sailed to the 
northwest until he came to the mouth of a river too 
shallow to receive his ships. After a hostile engage- 
ment here with the natives, he stood forty leagues to 
the northwest until he arrived in the neighbourhood 
of the equinoctial line, where he saw a number of 
fresh and verdant islands in the mouth of an immense 
river. It was the renowned Muranon, since known 

* Voyages of Companions of Columbus, p. 28 to 32. Irving's Columbus, p. 61. 



CHAr. X.] VOYAGES TROM SPAIN IN 1499, 1500. 105 

as the Orellana and the Amazon. He continued 
along the coast, passing the mouths of the Oronoco, 
and entering the gulf of Paria, where he landed and 
cut Brazil wood. Sallying forth by the Boca del 
Drago, he reached the island of Hispaniola about the 
23d of June, whence he sailed for the Bahamas. 
Here, in a hurricane in July, two of the caravels with 
their crews were swallowed up. The other two made 
the best of the way to Hispaniola, to repair damages 
sustained in the gale. Sailing thence for Spain, they 
anchored in the river before Palos about the end of 
September.* 

Scarcely had Vicente Yanez Pinzon departed on 
the voyage just mentioned, when his townsman Diego 
de Lepe likewise set sail with two vessels from the 
busy little port of Palos on a like expedition. No 
particulars of this voyage are known, except that 
Lepe doubled Cape St. Augustine, and beheld the 
southern continent stretching far to the southwest.f 

Another contemporary adventurer was Rodrigo de 
Bastides, a wealthy notary of Teraria, a suburb of 
Seville, who associated with him Juan de la Cosa, 
a veteran pilot who had sailed with Columbus and 
Ojeda, Their voyage extended the discoveries of 
the coast of Terra Firma from Cape de Vela quite 
to the port of Nombre de Dios. The vessels of 
Bastides being nearly destroyed by the worm, he had 
great difficulty in reaching Xaragua in Hispaniola, 
where he lost his two vessels, and proceeded with his 
crew by land to San Domingo. Here he was seized 



* Voyages of Companions of Columbus, p. 33 to 41. Irving's Columbus, vol. 2, p. 61, 2. 
t Id. p. 42, 3 of former, and 62, 3 of latter. 

14 



106 VOYAGES FROM SPAIN IN 1499, 1500. [book I. 

and imprisoned by Bobadilla, under pretext that he 
had traded for gold with the natives of Xaragua.* 

The expeditions mentioned in this chapter were 
undertaken by enterprising individuals under a ge- 
neral license granted by the Spanish sovereigns, who 
thus had their territories extended free of cost, and 
yet had their treasury benefitted by a share of the 
proceeds of the voyages, which was reserved as a 
kind of duty to the crown. 

* Voyages of Companions of Columbus, p. 42, 3. living's Columbus, vol. 2, p. 61, 2. 



CHAP. XI.] VOYAGE FROM PORTUGAL IN 1500. 107 



CHAPTER XI. 

Of the accidental discovery of Brazil by the Portuguese in 1500 ; the 
voyage of Americus Vespucius, under the king of Portugal, to that 
province in 1501 ; the voyage of Cortereal in the same year to the 
northwest; and the patents obtained from Heniy the Seventh of 
England in 1501 and 1502 by Portuguese to enable them to make 
discoveries. 

The design, which Prince Henry of Portugal had, 
in his hfetime, so much at heart, that of opening a 
route to India by doubling the Cape of Good Hope, 
had been accomplished at last by Vasco de Gama in 
1497. Soon after Gama's return a fleet of thirteen 
sail was fitted out from Portugal to visit the countries 
of which he brought accounts. It sailed on the 9th 
of March 1500, for Cahcut under the command of 
Pedro Alvarez de Cabral. Having passed the Cape 
de Verd islands, Cabral sought to avoid the calms 
prevalent on the coast of Guinea, by stretching far 
to the west. Suddenly, on the 25th of April, he came 
in sight of land unknown to any one in his squadron ; 
for as yet they had not heard of the discoveries of 
Pinzon and Lepe. After coasting it for some time, 
he became persuaded that it must be part of a conti- 
nent. Having ranged along it, somewhat beyond the 
fifteenth degree of southern latitude, he landed at a 
harbour which he called Porto Securo. He gave ano- 



108 VOYAGE FROM PORTUGAL IN 1500. [book i. 

ther name to the country. Having a cross placed at 
the top of a tree, with great solemnity, and blessed by 
the priests that he had with him, he named the pro- 
vince Sancta Cruz (Sainte Croix) ; for it was the 3d 
of May, the day on which the church celebrates the 
invention of the Holy Cross. After taking possession 
for the crown of Portugal, he dispatched a ship to 
Lisbon with the important tidings. Subsequently this 
province received the name of Brazil, because the 
wood brought from it for dying was red and resem- 
bled brass. The original name and its change are 
mentioned in a volume entitled, 

" Histoire de la Provence de Sancta-Cruz que nous nom- 
mons ordinairement Le Brasil, par Pero de Magalhanes de 
Gandavo dediee au tres illustre seigneur D. Lionis Pereirra 
ancien gouverneur de Malacca et de plusieurs parties & I'inde 
meridionale," published at Lisbon in 1576, and republished 
at Paris in 1837, by Henri Ternaux in his collection of ori- 
ginal voyages, relations and memoirs. 

Dr. Robertson, in recording this voyage of Cabral, 
concludes with one of his just and elegant remarks : 
" Columbus' discovery of the new world," he ob- 
serves, "was the effort of an active genius, guided 
by experience and acting upon a regular plan, exe- 
cuted with no less courage than perseverance. But 
from this adventure of the Portuguese, it appears that 
chance might have accomplished that great design, 
which it is now the pride of human reason to have 
formed and perfected. If the sagacity of Columbus 
had not conducted mankind to America, Cabral, by 
a fortunate accident, might have led them, a few 



CHAP. XI.] VOYAGE FROM PORTUGAL IN 1501. 109 

years after, to the knowledge of that extensive conti- 
nent."* 

The tidings received from Cabral were followed by 
a voyage of Gonsalo Coella, who was sent by King 
Emanuel with three caravels to explore the country. 
The fleet sailed in May 1501 ; and it seems that Ame- 
ricus Vespucius who had left Spain went in it.f His 
account of this expedition is that after leaving a port 
of Ethiopia called Beseneghe in the fourteenth de- 
gree of north latitude, he sailed for the south through 
the Atlantic ocean, and in ninety-seven days, to wit : 
on the 17th of August, made land, distant seven hun- 
dred leagues from said port, and situated five degrees 
south of the equinoctial line, of which possession was 
thereupon taken in the name of the king of Portu- 
gal ; that departing from this place he sailed along in 
a southeastern direction, on a line parallel with the 
coast; that he found at length that the line of the 
coast made a turn to the south and doubled a cape 
which he called Cape St. Augustin, which was one 
hundred and fifty leagues distant easterly from the 
land first made, and eight degrees south of the equi- 
noctial line ; that he then sailed in a southerly direc- 
tion and went so far south that he was beyond the 
tropic of Capricorn, where the south pole is elevated 
thirty-two degrees above the horizon ; that he ran al- 
together on this coast about seven hundred and fifty 
leagues, to wit : one hundred and fifty from Cape St. 
Augustin towards the west and six hundred towards 



* Irving's Columbus, vol. 2, p. 61 to 64. f living's Columbus, vol. 2, p. 249, Ap- 

Eobertson's America, book 2. pendix No. 10. Preface to Histoire de la 

Provence de Sancta Cruz. 



110 VOYAGE FROM PORTUGAL IN 1501. [book i. 

the south; that on the 15th of February, having con- 
cluded to take leave of the country, he left port, when 
the south pole was elevated fifty-two degrees above 
the horizon, and on the 3d of April had sailed from 
that port five hundred leagues; that on the 7th of 
April, while driven by a storm, he came in sight of 
new land and ran within twenty leagues of it ; that 
being in great danger from the storm, it was agreed 
to steer for Portugal ; that they ran five days, making 
about two hundred and fifty leagues, continually ap- 
proaching the equinoctial line ; that it was their in- 
tention to go and reconnoitre the coast of Ethiopia, 
distant thirteen hundred leagues, and they arrived at 
it, touching at Sierra Leone where they stayed fifteen 
days ; that they steered then for the Azore islands, 
about seven hundred and fifty leagues distant, where 
they arrived the latter part of July, and staid fifteen 
days ; and that they entered Lisbon on the 7th of 
September 1502.* 

Of another expedition, about this time, that of 
Caspar Cortereal, an account is preserved in a letter 
from the Venetian ambassador in Portugal to his bro- 
thers, written eleven days after the return of Corte- 
real, which is contained in a volume of Voyages and 
Travels published at Vicenza in 1507. From the 
letter which bears date the 19th of October 1501, 
the following is extracted : 

'' On the Sth of the present month, one of the two ca- 
ravels which her most serene majesty dispatched last year 
on a voyage of discovery to the north, under the command 

* Life of Vespucius, by Lester and Foster, ch. 14, p. 223 lo 233. 



CHAP. XI.] VOYAGE TO THE NORTHWEST IN 1501. Ill 

of Caspar Cortereal arrived here, and reports the finding of 
a country, distant hence ivest and noj'thivest two thousand 
miles, heretofore quite unknown. They proceeded along 
the coast between six and seven hundred miles, without 
reaching its termination, from which circumstance they 
conclude it to be of the main land connected with another 
region, which last year was discovered in the north, but 
which the caravel could not reach on account of the ice 
and the vast quantity of snow ; and they are confirmed in 
this belief by the multitude of great rivers they found, 
which certainly could not proceed from an island." 

This letter is set forth in the Memoir of Sebastian 
Cabot, by Mr. Biddle, who considers it clear that 
the country farther north, which Cortereal could not 
reach, but of which he rightly conjectured he had 
found a continuation, was that discovered by Cabot ; 
and also clear that Cortereal began his course to the 
southward of the St. Lawrence. Mr. Biddle sup- 
poses however that he may have reached the gulf, 
and perhaps the southern extremity of Labrador.* 

Mr. Alfred Hawkins, in his interesting account 
of Quebec, at page 23, says, that "He reached 
the northern extremity of Newfoundland, and is con- 
sidered to have discovered the gulf of St. Lawrence. 
He also sailed along the coast of Labrador north- 
ward ; and appears to have penetrated nearly to 
Hudson's bay." He mentions that Caspar Cortereal 
was a gentleman who had been educated in the 
household of the King of Portugal, and represents 
him as a man of enterprising and determined cha- 

* Memoir of Cabot, p. 235 to 241. 



112 VOYAGE TO THE NORTHWEST IN 1501. [book i. 

racter, ardently thirsting after glory. Yet he men- 
tions that the character of this voyage was sullied by 
his bringing back to Portugal no less than fifty-seven 
of the natives, of whom, in the letter of the Vene- 
tian ambassador, it is said, " they are extremely fitted 
to endure labour, and will probably turn out the best 
slaves which have been discovered up to this time." 
Hawkins adds : 

" It has, indeed, been conjectured that the name, Terra 
de Laborador, was given to this coast by the Portuguese 
slave merchants, in consequence of the admirable qualities 
of the natives as labourers, and in full anticipation of the 
future advantages to be derived from this unchristian traffic. 

" These cruel designs were, however, frustrated by accu- 
mulated distress and disaster. In a second voyage, in 1501, 
Cortereal was lost at sea ; and a third, undertaken by his 
brother Michael, in search of him, was alike unfortunate. 
Neither of the brothers was ever afterwards heard of The 
King of Portugal, feeling a great affection for these gentle- 
men, is stated to have fitted out at his own expense an ex- 
pedition, consisting of three armed vessels, which returned 
without any information as to the manner or place of their 
death. One brother still remained, who was anxious to 
renew the attempt to discover their fate, but was overruled 
by the persuasion of the king. In an old map published 
in 1508, the Labrador coast is called Terra Corterealis ; 
and the entrance into the gulf of St. Lawrence was long 
known to the Portuguese by the name of the gulf of the 
Two Brothers. On the strength of the voyage of Corte- 
real, the Portuguese claimed the first discovery of New- 
foundland, and of the adjacent coast of America ; and 
maps were actually forged to support these unfair pre- 
tensions." 



CHAP. XI.] VOYAGE TO THE NORTHWEST IN 1501. 113 

These voyages of the Portuguese are the more 
remarkable, because by the treaty of 1494 between 
Spain and Portugal, the Spaniards seem to have sup- 
posed they were secured in the exclusive right of 
navigation and discovery in the western ocean. How- 
ever, notwithstanding the treaty, Portugal was not 
without ground of claim to Brazil, since by the treaty 
the papal line of demarcation, instead of remaining 
one hundred, was removed three hundred and seventy 
leagues west of the Cape de Verd island ; and it was 
only discoveries beyond this line that Portugal agreed 
should appertain to the Spanish nation.* 

Still the King of Portugal was a good deal tram- 
melled by the treaty, and it may have been for this 
reason that his subjects resorted to the King of Eng- 
land to give them powers of discovery. Mr. Biddle 
has published, in an Appendixf to his Memoir of 
Cabot, letters patent granted by Henry the Seventh 
on the 19th of March, in the sixteenth year of his 
reign, (to wit, March I50j,) to Richard Warde, Tho- 
mas Ashhurst and John Thomas of Bristol, and John 
Fernandus, Francis Fernandus and John Gunsolus of 
Portugal, authorizing discoveries to all parts, regions 
and ends of the sea, east, west, south and north. And 
he mentions! a subsequent patent, with very similar 
powers, granted on the 9th of December, in the eigh- 
teenth year of Henry the Seventh, (1502,) to three 
of the previous patentees, to wit, Thomas Ashhurst, 
John Gunsolus and Francis Fernandus, with the ad- 
dition of Hugh Elliott. 

* History of Ferdinand and Isabella, vol. 2, p. 181. f See p. 306, also p. 222. J P. 224. 

15 



114 VOYAGE TO THE NORTHWEST IN 1501. [book i. 

English history is rather barren of information as 
to what was done under these patents. Mr. Hume, 
in the 26th chapter of his History of England, after 
mentioning the discovery by Cabot in 1498, says, 
" Elliott and others made a hke attempt in 1302," 
and cites Rymer, vol. xiii. p. 37. Discoveries in 
which Hugh Eliot was instrumental, are also alluded 
to by Robert Thorne, in a letter written by him whilst 
at Seville in 1527, to Dr. Lee, the ambassador from 
England to Spain.* 

In this letter Thorne says : 

" If I had the faculty to my will, it should be the first 
thing that I would understand, even to attempt, if our seas 
northward be navigable to the pole or no. I reason that 
as some sicknesses are hereditarious, and come from the 
father to the son, so this inclination or desire of this dis- 
covery, I inherited of my father which with another mer- 
chant of Bristol named Hugh Eliot were the discoverers of 
the New found-lands of the which, there is no doubt (as 
now plainly appeareth) if the mariners would then have 
been ruled and followed their pilot's mind, the lands of the 
West Indias (from whence all the gold cometh) had been 
ours. For all is one coast." 

This letter of Robert Thorne, it is to be observed, 
was written after the conquest of Mexico by the 
Spaniards. 

From the following entries in the account of the 
privy purse expenses of Henry the Seventh,! it ap- 
pears there was for a while some intercourse with the 
newly discovered region : 

* In Hakluyt's Collection, vol. 1, p. 219. f In Biddle's Memoir of Cabot, p. 230, 31. 



CHAP. XI.] VOYAGE TO THE NORTHWEST IN 1501. 115 

" 17 November 1503. To one that brought hawks from 
the New founded island £ 1, 

" 8 April 1504. To a preste* that goeth to the new 
island £ 2. 

" 25 August 1505. To Clay's going to Richmond with 
wild cats and popinjays of the New found island for his 
costs 13s. Ad. 

" To Portuguese that brought popinjays and cats of the 
mountain with other stuff to the king's grace £ 5." 

* Mr. Biddle supposes this to mean priest. 



116 DEPARTURE OF OVANDO IN 1502. [book i. 



CHAPTER XIL 

Of the fleet and orders seut out with Ovando to llispaniola in 1502; 
the voyage made the same year to the northern coast of South Ame- 
rica by Alonzo de Ojeda; the last voyage of Cohmibus; and his 
wearisome detention at Jamaica. 

Isabella urged the speedy departure of Ovando, to 
put a stop to the abuses of Bobadilla's government. 
She was particularly careful in providing for the kind 
treatment of the Indians. Ovando was ordered to 
assemble the caciques, and declare to them that the 
sovereigns took them and their people under their 
especial protection. They were merely to pay tribute 
like other subjects of the crown, and it was to be 
collected with mildness. Yet for the royal service, 
they might be compelled to work in the mines and 
in other employments. This (though they were to 
be paid as hired labourers,) led to great abuses and 
oppressions, and was ultimately as fatal to the natives 
as would have been the most absolute slavery. Ano- 
ther decree was made, which it may be proper to 
notice in this connection. It was permitted to carry 
to the colonies negro slaves born in Spain, the de- 
scendants of natives of Africa, with which a traffic 
of the kind had for some time been carried on by the 
Spaniards and Portuguese. This is the first trace of 
negro slavery in the new world. *^ 

* living's Columbus, vol. 2, p. 69 to 71. 



CHAP. XII.] VOYAGE OF OJEDA IN 1502. 117 

Ovando's fleet was the largest that had yet sailed 
to the new world. It consisted of thirty sail, five of 
them from ninety to one hundred and fifty tons bur- 
then, twenty-four caravels of from thirty to ninety, 
and one bark of twenty-five tons. Tiie number of 
souls that embarked was about two thousand five 
hundred. The fleet put to sea on the 13th of Feb- 
ruary 1502. In the early part of the voyage it en- 
countered a terrible storm : one of the ships foun- 
dered with one hundred and twenty passengers ; the 
others were obliged to throw overboard every thing 
that was on deck, and were completely scattered. 
Yet only one ship was lost. The others arrived at 
San Domingo on the 15th of April.* 

Ojeda had reported that in his voyage in 1499 he 
met with English adventurers in the neighbourhood 
of Venezuela. The Spanish sovereigns were anxious 
to establish a resolute and fighting commander like 
Ojeda upon this outpost. And he found it easy to 
obtain authority to prosecute at his own expense the 
discovery of the coast of Terra Firma. He was in- 
structed to set up the arms of Castile and Leon in 
every place he visited, as a signal of discovery and 
possession, and to put a stop to the intrusions of the 
English. Ojeda and his associates fitted out four 
ships, and sailed in 1502. Arriving at the port des- 
tined for his seat of government, Ojeda found the 
country so poor and sterile that he proceeded along 
the coast to a bay which he named Santa Cruz, but 
which is supposed to be the same at present called 
Bahia Honda, where he found a Spaniard who had 

* Irving's Columbus, vol. 2, p. 7J, 2. 



118 VOYAGE OF OJEDA IN 1502. [book I. 

been left in Citarma by Bastides about thirteen 
months before. At this place Ojeda erected a for- 
tress, which contained the magazine of provisions 
and a strong box in which was deposited the treasure 
amassed in the expedition. Vergara and Ocampo, 
two of Ojeda's partners, becoming dissatisfied with 
him, informed him of their intention to convey him a 
prisoner to Hispaniola, to answer for offences which 
they alleged against him. He attempted to escape, 
but was seized, thrown in irons and conveyed on 
board of Vergara's caravel. The two partners then 
set sail, bearing off the whole community, its captive 
governor, and the strong box which was at the bot- 
tom of all these feuds. They arrived at the western 
part of the island of Hispaniola. While at anchor 
within a stone's throw of the land, Ojeda, confident 
in his strength and skill as a swimmer, let himself 
down the side of the ship in the night, and his arms 
being free, attempted to swim to the shore. But 
his feet were shackled, and the weight of his irons 
threatened to sink him. He was obliged to shout for 
help. A boat was sent from the vessel to his relief, 
and the unfortunate governor was brought back half 
drowned. He was delivered to the commander of 
the place, while Vergara and Ocampo (as he said) 
were taking from the strong box whatever they 
thought proper. All parties were in Saint Domingo 
about the end of September 1502, when the chief 
judge of the island gave a decision against Ojeda. 
He appealed to the sovereign, and after some time 
was honourably acquitted by the royal council ; his 
property was ordered to be restored ; and he ordered 



CHAP. SII.] VOYAGE OF COLUMBUS IN 1502. 119 

to be liberated.* Nothing is known of him after- 
wards until 1505, when he is said to have made 
another voyage. f 

In the mean time, Columbus had conceived the 
idea of a voyage in which he hoped to surpass all 
previous expeditions. His idea was that the Terra 
Firma on which he landed in his voyage to Paria 
stretched far to the west ; that the southern coast of 
Cuba, which he considered a part of the Asiatic con- 
tinent, stretched onwards towards the same point; 
that the currents of the Caribbean sea passed be- 
tween these lands ; and that there must be a strait 
thereabout, opening into the Indian sea. When Co- 
lumbus unfolded his plan for a voyage to discover 
such a passage, and thus link the new world with the 
opulent oriental regions of the old, it was promptly 
acceded to. He was authorized to fit out an arma- 
ment immediately, and for this purpose repaired to 
Seville in the autumn of 1501. When Columbus 
undertook this, his fourth and last voyage of disco- 
very, he already numbered sixty-six years. His squad- 
ron consisted of four caravels, from fifty to seventy 
tons each ; the crews amounting in all to one hun- 
dred and fifty men. He had the comfort of his bro- 
ther Bartholomew and his son Fernando as compa- 
nions. The squadron sailed from Cadiz in May 1502, 
and arrived on the 15th of June at one of the Carib- 
bee islands, called by the natives Mantinino. Then 
it passed to the west of the island and sailed to Do- 
minica, about ten leagues distant. Columbus conti- 
nued along the inside of the Antilles, to Santa Cruz, 

* Voyages of Companions of Columbus, p. 46 to 53. f W. p. 54. 



120 VOYAGE OF COLUMBUS IN 1502. [book I. 

then along the south side of Porto Rico. His prin- 
cipal vessel sailing badly, he steered for San Domingo, 
to exchange it for one of the fleet which had recently 
conveyed Ovando to his government.* 

Columbus arrived at the mouth of the river the 
29th of June. The fleet which brought out Ovando 
was now ready to return to Spain, with many delin- 
quents and others on board. Bobadilla was to em- 
bark in the principal ship, on board of which he had 
put an inmiense amount of gold collected for the 
crown during his government. Roldan and other ad- 
venturers hkewise shipped large quantities of gold. 
This was wealth gained from the sufferings of the un- 
happy natives. In one of the ships Alonzo Sanchez 
de Carvajal, the agent of Columbus, had put four 
thousand pieces of gold to be remitted to him ; being 
part of his property which had either been recently 
collected, or recovered from the hands of Bobadilla. f 

Columbus apprehending an approaching storm re- 
quested permission to shelter his squadron in the har- 
bour, but this was not granted. He then sent to the 
governor not to permit the fleet for Spain to put to 
sea for several days, as there were signs of an impen- 
ding tempest. This admonition was not heeded. 
The fleet set sail, but had scarcely reached the eas- 
tern point of Hispaniola, when the tempest burst over 
it with awful fury. The ship on board of which were 
Bobadilla, Roldan and a number of the most invete- 
rate enemies of Columbus, was swallowed up with all 
its crew, and with the principal part of the ill-gotten 
treasure, gained by the miseries of the Indians. Many 

* Irving's Columbus, vol. 2, p. 76 to 83. f Id- P- 83, 4. 



CHAP, xii.] VOYAGE OF COLUMBUS IN 1502. 121 

of the ships were entirely lost : some returned to San 
Domingo in shattered condition, and only one was 
enabled to continue her voyage to Spain. That one, 
the weakest of the fleet (it is said) had on board the 
four thousand pieces of gold, the property of the ad- 
miral.* Bastides also returned in her to Spain, where 
he was rewarded by his sovereigns.! 

During the early part of this storm, the little squad- 
ron of Columbus was tolerably well sheltered. On 
the second day, the tempest increased in violence ; at 
night, it being dark, the ships were separated. The 
admiral, keeping close to the shore, sustained no da- 
mage : the others, fearful of the land, ran out to sea 
and were in great hazard. After various vicissitudes, 
all arrived safe at Port Hermoso, to the west of San 
Domingo. t 

Columbus remained for several days in Port Her- 
moso to repair his vessels and permit his crews to re- 
pose. Soon after leaving this harbour, he had* to 
take shelter from another storm in Jacquemel, or, as 
it was called by the Spaniards, Port Brazil. Thence 
he sailed on the 14th of July, steering for Terra Firma. 
He was borne by the currents in the vicinity of some 
little islands near Jamaica ; then swept away to those 
on the southern coast of Cuba, to which in 1494, he 
had given the name of The Gardens. He now stood 
to the southwest, and, after a few days, discovered on 
the 30th of July, a small but elevated island, to which, 
from its number of pines, he gave the name of Isla 
de Pinos; it has, however, retained the Indian name 
of Guanaja, which has been extended to a number of 

* Irving'8 Columbus, vol. 2, p. 84, 5. fid. p. 103. J Id. p. 85, 6. 

16 



122 VOYAGE OF COLUMBUS IN 1502. [book I. 

smaller islands that surround it. This groupe is 
within a few leagues of the coast of Honduras, to 
the east of the great bay of that name. Bartholo- 
mew landed with some of the men on the principal 
island, and saw a canoe arriving as from a distant 
voyage ; he gathered from the Indians in it that they 
came from a country rich, cultivated and industrious, 
situated to the west, and was urged by them to steer 
in that direction. " Well would it have been for Co- 
lumbus," Mr. Irving remarks, " had he followed their 
advice. Within a day or two, he would have arrived 
at Yucatan ; the discovery of Mexico and the other 
opulent countries of New Spain would have necessa- 
rily followed ; the Southern ocean would have been 
disclosed to him, and a succession of splendid disco- 
veries would have shed fresh glory on his declining 
age, instead of its sinking amidst gloom, neglect and 
disappointment."* 

The admiral, however, was, at present intent upon 
discovering the strait. He stood southwardly for the 
main land, and after sailing a few leagues discovered 
the cape now known as Cape Honduras. Proceed- 
ing along what is at present called the coast of Hon- 
duras, he arrived on the 14th of September at a cape 
where the coast, making an angle, turned directly 
south, to which he gave the name of Gracias a Dios, 
or Thanks to God. After doubling this cape, Co- 
lumbus sailed south along what is now called the 
Musquito shore. After sailing about sixfy-two leagues 
along this coast, the squadron anchored on the 16th, 
where a boat sent to the shore was, in returning, 

* Irving'3 Columbus, vol. 2, p. 87, 8. 



CHAP. Xlt.] VOYAGE OF COLUMBUS IN 1502. 123 

swallowed up by a sudden swelling of the sea, with 
all on board : to this stream was given the name of 
The River of Disaster. On the 25th, they cast an- 
chor between a small island and the main land, where 
they remained for several days, during which they 
were kindly treated by the natives. Departing on 
the 5th of October, the squadron sailed along what is 
now called Costa Rica, (or the Rich Coast,) from the 
mines found in after years among its mountains. 
x\fter saihng about twenty-two leagues, the ships an- 
chored in a great bay about six leagues in length and 
three in breadth, called by the natives Caribaro. 
Sailing on the 17th, he proceeded along what has 
been since called the coast of Veragua, and after 
sailing about twelve leagues, arrived at a large river 
which his son Fernando calls the Guaig. He an- 
chored afterwards in the mouth of another river 
called the Catiba, where nineteen plates of pure gold 
were procured. Here, for the first time in the new 
world the Spaniards met with signs of solid architec- 
ture, finding a great mass of stone and hme ; an in- 
dication that they were in or near countries where 
the arts were in a higher state of cultivation than in 
those before discovered. Columbus hurried alon^ 
this coast, where wealth was to be gathered at every 
step, for the purpose of seeking a strait, which how- 
ever it might produce vast benefit to mankind, could, 
yield little else to himself than the glory of the dis- 
covery.* 

On the 2d of November, the squadron anchored 
in a spacious and commodious harbour, to wljich 
Columbus gave the name of Puerto Bello; this it 

♦Irving's Columbus, vol. 2, p. 88 to 99. 



124 VOYAGE OF COLUMBUS IN 1502. [^00^ I. 

has retained. Sailing on the 9th, they proceeded to 
the point since known as Nombre de Dios, but being 
driven back, anchored in a harbour in the vicinity of 
three small islands, where they remained till the 23d, 
and then proceeded to another port called Guiga. 
He next stopped in a small harbour, to which he gave 
the name of El Retrete, or The Cabinet, where the 
squadron was detained nine days by tempestuous 
weather. The companions of Columbus now mur- 
mured against any further prosecution of the voyage ; 
they looked back with regret on the rich coast they 
had left behind. Bastides, in his recent voyage, had 
arrived from an opposite quarter to about where Co- 
lumbus had now reached. If Columbus knew the 
details of this voyage, he must now have seen there 
was but little probability of the existence of the strait 
he had imagined. But it is doubtful, at least, whe- 
ther Columbus was then acquainted with the particu- 
lars of the voyage of Bastides. They could scarcely 
have reached Spain previous to his sailing. For 
though some of the seamen of Bastides had got 
thither before that time, we have no evidence that 
the papers and charts pertaining to the voyage had 
then been transmitted. And though Bastides was on 
board the fleet which was wrecked at the time Co- 
lumbus was oflf San Domingo, Columbus had no op- 
portunity of obtaining any information from him. 
However this may be, Columbus relinquished the fur- 
ther prosecution of his voyage eastward for the pre- 
sent, and on the 5th of December sailed from £1 Re- 
trete westward, in search of the gold mines of Ve- 
ragua.* 

* Irving's Columbus, vol. 9, p. 100 to 103. 



CHAP, xii] VOYAGE OP COLUMBUS IN 1502. 125 

Bartholomew Columbus went into the interior to 
explore the country. No port was found equal to the 
river of Belen, nor was gold to be met with in such 
abundance as in the district of V'eragua. The ad- 
miral was convinced that he had reached one of the 
most favoured parts of the Asiatic continent. He 
resolved to commence an establishment here for the 
purpose of securing possession of the country, and 
of exploring and working the mines. It was agreed 
that Bartholomew should remain with eighty men, 
while the admiral would return to Spain for rein- 
forcements and supplies. But the serious hostilities 
which quickly occurred, caused this purpose to be 
abandoned, even after Columbus was aboard and 
about to proceed on his voyage. There appeared no 
alternative but to embark all the people, abandon the 
settlement for the present, and return at some future 
day with a force competent to secure the possession 
of the country.* 

Towards the end of April 1503, Columbus sailed 
from the coast of Veragua. He continued eastward 
as far as Porto Bello, where he was obliged to leave 
one of the caravels, which was so pierced by. the 
worms that it was impossible to keep her afloat. All 
the crews were now crowded into two caravels ; one 
having been left stranded in the river near Belen. 
Columbus passed Port Retrete and a number of 
islands, to which he gave the name of Las Barbas, 
now termed the Mulatas, a little beyond Point Bias. 
Continuing about ten leagues further, he approached 
the entrance of what is at present called the gulf of 

* Irving's Columbus, vol. 2, p. 103 to 125. 



126 DETENTION OF COLUMBUS AT JAMAICA. [book i. 

Darien. On the 1st of May, he stood northward, in 
quest of Hispaniola. On the 10th, he came in sight 
of two small islands now known as the Caymans. 
Continuing north, he found himself, on the 30th, 
among the islands south of Cuba, which he had 
named the Queen's Gardens. Here the vessels were 
greatly injured by a tempest. At the end of six days, 
he took an eastward course. Reaching Cape Cruz, 
he anchored at a village where he had touched in 
1494. Being prevented by adverse winds from beat- 
ing up to Hispaniola, he stood, in despair, for the 
island of Jamaica, to seek some secure port ; for 
there was great danger of foundering at sea. On 
the eve of St. John, the 23d of June, he put into Pu- 
erto Bueno, now called Dry Harbour, but meeting 
none of the natives, and suffering from hunger, they 
sailed eastward next day to another harbour, to which 
the admiral, on his first visit to the island, had given 
the name of Port Santa Gloria. Here the vessels, 
reduced to mere wrecks, had to be run aground : 
thatched cabins were erected at the prow and stern, 
for the accommodation of the crews.* 

Arrangements being made with the natives for sup- 
plying the immediate wants of the Spaniards, Colum- 
bus next revolved in his mind the means of getting 
from the island. The most likely measure appeared 
to be, to send to San Domingo and entreat Ovando 
to dispatch a vessel. But there was no way of trans- 
porting a messenger, except in a light canoe ; and 
the distance being forty leagues across a gulf, every 
one drew back at the thoughts of it. Diego Mendez 

* Irving's Columbus, vol. 2, p. 126 to 129. 



CHAP. XII.] DIEGO MENDEZ. 127 

ventured his life on this occasion. With him went a 
Spanish comrade and six Indians. Once they were 
taken by Indians roving in canoes, but made their es- 
cape, and at length arrived at the end of the island, 
distant thirty-four leagues from the harbour. While 
waiting here for calm weather, they were taken pri- 
soners by hostile Indians, who carried them off three 
leagues, intending to kill them. During a dispute 
about the division of the spoils, Diego escaped, got 
to his canoe, embarked in it and returned alone to the 
harbour, after fifteen days absence. Nothing daunted 
by what he had undergone, Diego offered to depart 
again, provided he could have persons to accompany 
him to the end of the island and protect him from the 
natives. This was done, and two canoes started, in 
one of which was Diego, and in the other Bartholo- 
mew Fiesco, a Genoese ; each having six Spaniards 
and ten Indians.* 

A long time elapsed without any tidings of Men- 
dez and Fiesco. Yet after a trying voyage, they 
had reached Cape Tiburon in four days from their 
quitting Jamaica. Mendez took six Indians of the 
island and set off to coast in his canoe, one hun- 
dred and thirty leagues to San Domingo. After 
proceeding for eighty leagues, he was informed that 
the governor had departed for Xaragua, fifty leagues 
distant. He abandoned his canoe and proceeded 
alone and on foot, through forests and over moun- 
tains, until he arrived at Xaragua, achieving one 
of the most perilous expeditions ever undertaken 
by a devoted follower, for the safety of his com- 

* Irving's Columbus, vol. 2, p. 130 to 136. 



128 DIEGO MENDEZ. [BOOK I. 

mander. Ovando made many promises of sending 
immediate relief, but suffered day after day, week 
after week, and even month after month to elapse 
without carrying his promises into effect. Mendez 
remained for seven months in Xaragua, detained 
there under various pretexts by Ovando. At length, 
by importunity, obtaining permission to go to San 
Domingo, he set out on foot for that place, distant 
seventy leagues, to await the arrival of certain ships 
which were expected, of which he proposed to pur- 
chase one on account of the admiral, ft was not 
until after his departure, that Ovando dispatched a 
small vessel with a message to Columbus, expressing 
regret at not having in port a vessel of sufficient size 
to bring off him and his people, and promising to 
send one as soon as possible. This message was re- 
ceived eight months after the departure of Mendez. 
In the mean time, the men left behind with Colum- 
bus had become impatient. There had been a mu- 
tiny, and most of those in health, taking ten canoes 
which he had purchased from the Indians, had em- 
barked in them, but after going to sea, had returned 
to the island and lived at large about it. In a ren- 
contre with Bartholomew Columbus, their ringleader 
Parras was taken and the rest submitted. Two ves- 
sels were afterwards seen standing in the harbour ; 
one of which had been hired and furnished at the ex- 
pense of the admiral, by the faithful Mendez : the 
other had been fitted out by Ovando. On the 28th 
of June 1504, just one year after Mendez had ar- 
rived at Hispaniola, Columbus and his men sailed thi- 
ther from Jamaica.* 

* Irving's Columbus, vol. 2, p. 136 to 158. 



CHAP. XII.] DIEGO MENDEZ. 129 

Mendez having seen the ships depart, proceeded 
to Spain on the further concerns of the admiral. 
When King Ferdinand heard of the faithful services 
of Mendez, he bestowed rewards upon him, and per- 
mitted him to bear a canoe on his coat of arms. He 
continued devotedly attached to the admiral, serving 
him zealously after his return to Spain, and during 
his last illness. Columbus retained the most grateful 
and affectionate sense of his fidelity. Mendez after- 
wards engaged in voyages of discovery in vessels of 
his own, but met with many vicissitudes, and appears 
to have died in impoverished circumstances. In his 
will he desired that a large stone should be placed 
upon his sepulchre, on which should be engraved 
certain words which he directed, and on the model 
of which there should be carved an Indian canoe, 
with the word canoa engraved above it in large let- 
ters.* 

* Irving's Columbus, %'ol. 2, p. 158, 9. 



17 



130 VOYAGE OF VESPUCIUS IN 1503. [book I. 



CHAPTER XIII. 

Of the voyage of Americus Vespucius to Brazil in 1503 ; and the name 
of America given to this part of the world. 

In the preface of the French editor to the History 
of the Province of Santa Cruz, referred to on page 
108, it is stated that after the voyage in 1501, under 
Gonsaloe Coella, the coast of that province was, in 
the succeeding years, visited several times by Portu- 
guese navigators who went to the Indias ; among 
others, by Alfonso d' Albuquerque in 1503. 

The letter of the 4th of September 1504, from 
Americus Vespucius to Piero Soderini, giving an ac- 
count of his last voyage under the King of Portugal, 
states that six ships sailed from Lisbon on the 10th of 
May 1503 to make discoveries with regard to an 
island in the east, called Malacca ; that after stopping 
three days at the Cape de Verd islands, they sailed in 
a southerly direction ; that the superior captain went 
to reconnoitre Sierra Leone, without there being any 
necessity for it; that they sailed from there to the 
south, and bore southwest; that after sailing three 
hundred leagues through the great sea, being then 
three degrees south of the equinoctial line, an island 
was discovered about twenty-two leagues distant, very 
high, and not more than two leagues in length and one 
in width, and the superior captain there lost his ship 
upon a rock, and went himself to the bottom ; that his 
(Vespucius') ship and one other arrived in seventeen 



CHAP. XIII. ] NAME OF AMERICA. 131 

days at the Bay of All Saints, distant three hundred 
leagues from the island they had left, and after waiting 
two months and four days in this harbour, without 
being joined by any other ship, proceeded along the 
coast two hundred and sixty leagues, where they built 
a fortress ; that they were in this port five months, 
building the fortress and loading the ships with dye 
wood ; and during this time some of the men went 
forty leagues inland ; that being unable to proceed 
farther for want of men and equipments, they deter- 
mined to return to Portugal, leaving twenty-four men 
in the fortress with provisions for six months, twelve 
pieces of cannon and many other arms ; that this 
country was situated eighteen degrees south of the 
equinoctial line, and fifty-seven degrees farther west 
than Lisbon ; that in seventy-seven days the two ships 
entered Lisbon, to wit, on the 15th of June 1504, 
the other ships of the fleet having been lost.* 

The name of America was first given to the pro- 
vince explored by Americus in his two voyages of 
1501 and 1503. Next it embraced the whole southern 
continent. And afterwards it became the appellation 
of the whole of the new world. f More than two 
centuries ago it was said that it " most justly should 
have been called Columbina, and a great deal better 
might have been styled Cabotiana than America."! 
A i^ew years ago it was attempted to give to the 
British provinces of the northern continent the name 
of Cabotia. 

*Irving's Columbus, vol. a, p. 250,51, dix No. 10. Life of Americus Vespucius, 

Appendix No. 10. Life of Americus Ves- p. 948 to 255. 

pucius, hy Lester and Foster, p. 238 to 243. J Purchas's Pilgrims, vol. 4, book 6, ch. 

t N. A. Review April 1821, p. 339, 340. 4, p. 177. 
Irving's Columbus, vol. 2, p. 250, Appen- 



132 RETURN OF COLUMBUS TO SPAIN 1504. [book I. 



CHAPTER XIV. 

Of the return of Columbus from the West Indias to Spain in 1504, and 
his death in 1506 : observations on his character. 

Though Cohimbus and his men left Jamaica on the 
28th of June 1504, adverse winds delayed his arrival 
at San Domingo till the 13th of August. The sojourn 
of Columbus at San Domingo was but little calculated 
to yield him satisfaction. He was grieved at the de- 
solation of the island by the oppressive treatment of 
the natives and the horrible massacres which had been 
perpetrated. The sanguinary acts of Ovando awa- 
kened equal horror and indignation in Isabella. With 
her dying breath, she exacted a promise from Ferdi- 
nand that Ovando should immediately be recalled 
from his government.* 

On the 12th of September, Columbus sailed with 
his son and brother. They had a tedious voyage ; it 
was the 7th of November that his shattered bark an- 
chored in the harbour of San Lucar. Hence Colum- 
bus had himself conveyed to Seville. Soon after- 
wards he lost the friend on whom he most relied. 
After four months of illness, Isabella died on the 26th 
of November 1504, at Medina del Campo. During the 
winter and a part of the spring, Columbus continued 
at Seville, detained by painful illness. He had to rely 

*Irving'3 Columbus, vol. 2, p. 160 to 182. 



CHAP. XIV.] RETURN OF COLUMBUS TO SPAIN 1504. 133 

upon others to support his apphcations to the court. 
One of these was Americus Vespucius, who being at 
Seville early in 1505, on his way to the Spanish court, 
in quest of employment, became the bearer of the 
following letter from Columbus to his son Diego ; it 
is dated February 5.* 

" My dear son, — Diego Mendez departed from hence on 
Monday, the third of this month. After his departure I 
conversed with Amerigo Vespucci, the bearer of this, who 
goes there (to court) summoned on affairs of navigation. 
Fortune has been adverse to him as to many others. His 
labours have not profited him as much as they reasonably 
should have done. He goes on my account, and with 
much desire to do something that may result to my advan- 
tage, if within his power. I cannot ascertain here in what 
I can employ him, that will be serviceable to me, for I do 
not know what may be there required. He goes with the 
determination to do all that is possible for me. See in what 
he may be of advantage and co-operate with him, that he 
may say and do every thing, and put his plans in operation ; 
and let all be done secretly, that he may not be suspected. 
I have said every thing to him that I can say touching the 
business, and have informed him of the pay I have received, 
and what is due, &c."f 

Mr. Lester argues that Columbus would not have 
written a letter like this if Vespucius had been en- 
gaged in injuring his reputation.! This argument 
would be very proper if it could be shewn that Ves- 
pucius had before the date of this letter, asserted to 
Columbus, or in any public manner, the pretension of 

*Irving's Columbus, vol. 2, p. 390 ; also p. 251, Appendix No. 10. 
t Navarrete, Collec. Viag. T. 1, p. 351. t Life of Vespucius, p. 105. 



134 DEATH OF COLUMBUS IN 1506. [BOOK i. 

his discovering the continent of South America in 
1497, but we have no evidence that any such preten- 
sion had been so asserted. The accounts of such a 
voyage, purporting to have been written to Lorenzo 
de Pier Francisco de Medici of Florence, and to 
others, remained unpubHshed till after the death of 
Columbus.* 

It was not until May 1505, that Columbus was able, 
in company with his brother Bartholomew, to accom- 
plish his journey to court, which was at that time held 
at Segovia. Many months were exhausted by him in 
unavailing attendance. Life was now drawing to a 
close. He was again confined to the bed, by a tor- 
menting attack of the gout, aggravated by sorrow and 
disappointment. One of his last acts was to send his 
brother to King Philip and Queen J nana, who had 
just arrived from Flanders to take possession of the 
throne of Castile ; in the daughter of Isabella, he 
trusted to find a patroness and friend. After the de- 
parture of Bartholomew, his maladies increased in 
violence. He died on the 20th of May 1506, being 
seventy years old, a little more or less. His last words 
were " In manus iuas, Domine, commendo spiritum 
menm:'''' into thy hands, O Lord, I commend my 
spirit !t 

His body was deposited in the convent of St. Fran- 
cisco, but was transported in 1513 to the Carthusian 
monastery of Las Cuevas of Seville to the chapel of 
St. Ann, or of Santo Christo, in which chapel was 
likewise deposited that of his son Diego who died 



*Irving's Columbus, vol. 2, p. 249, Appendix No. 10. ] 
t Id. p. 191 to 198, and 229, Appendix No. 4. 



CHAP. XIV.] OBSERVATIONS ON COLUMBUS. 135 

in the village of Montalban on the 23d of February 
1526. In 1536 the bodies of both were removed to 
Hispaniola and interred in the principal chapel of the 
cathedral of the City of San Domingo. More than 
two centuries afterwards, when by the treaty of 1795 
between France and Spain, all the Spanish posses- 
sions in the island of Hispaniola were ceded to 
France, the remains of Columbus were carried to 
Havana and deposited with great reverence, in the 
cathedral, in the wall on the right side of the grand 
altar.* 

About the same period the new world gave birth 
to an historian who has by his writings perpetuated 
the fame of Columbus, and erected to his memory a 
monument far more lasting than that ordered by Fer- 
dinand. This chapter cannot be better concluded 
than with the following beautiful tribute from Mr. Ir- 
ving :t 

" Columbus was a man of great and inventive genius. 
The operations of his mind were energetic but irregular; 
bursting forth at times with that irresistible force which 
characterizes intellects of such an order. His mind had 
grasped all kinds of knowledge connected with his pur- 
suits ; and though his information may appear limited at 
the present day, and some of his errors palpable, it is be- 
cause that knowledge, in his peculiar department of sci- 
ence, was but scantily developed in his time. His own 
discoveries enlightened the ignorance of that age ; guided 
conjecture to certainty ; and dispelled numerous errors with 
which he himself had been obliged to struggle. 



*Irving's Columbus, vol. 2, p. 198; also p. 209 to 212, Appendix No. 1. 
t Id. p. 200 to 205. 



136 OBSERVATIONS ON COLUMBUS. [book i. 

" His ambition was lofty and noble. He was full of 
high thoughts, and anxious to distinguish himself by great 
achievements. It has been said that a mercenary feeling 
mingled with his views, and that his stipulations with the 
Spanish court were selfish and avaracious. The charge is 
inconsiderate and unjust. He aimed at dignity and wealth 
in the same lofty spirit in which he sought renown ; but 
they were to arise from the territories he should discover, 
and be commensurate in importance. No condition could 
be more just. He asked nothing of the sovereigns but a 
command of the countries he hoped to give them, and a 
share of the profits to support the dignity of his command. 
If there should be no country discovered, his stipulated 
viceroyalty would be of no avail ; and if no revenues should 
be produced, his labour and peril would produce no gain. 
If his command and revenues ultimately proved magnifi= 
cent, it was from the magnificence of the regions he had 
attached to the Castilian crown. What monarch would 
not rejoice to gain empire on such conditions ? 

" But he did not merely risk a loss of labour and a dis- 
appointment of ambition in the enterprise : on his motives 
being questioned, he voluntarily undertook, and, with the 
assistance of his coadjutors, actually defrayed one eighth of 
the whole charge of the first expedition. 

" The gains that promised to arise from his discoveries 
were intended to be appropriated in the same princely spi- 
rit in which they were demanded. He contemplated works 
and achievements of benevolence and piety ; vast contri- 
butions for the relief of the poor of his native city ; the 
foundation of churches where masses should be said for the 
souls of the departed ; and armies for the recovery of the 
holy sepulchre in Palestine. 

" In the discharge of his ofiice he maintained the state 
and ceremonial of a viceroy, and was tenacious of his rank 
and privileges : not from a mere vulgar love of titles, but 



CHAP. XIV.] OBSERVATIONS ON COLUMBUS. 137 

because he prized them as testimonials and trophies of his 
achievements. These he jealously cherished as his great 
rewards. In his repeated applications to the king, he in- 
sisted merely on the restitution of his dignities. As to his 
pecuniary dues and all questions relative to mere revenue, 
he offered to leave them to arbitration, or even to the abso- 
lute disposition of the king ; but not so his official digni- 
ties ; " these things," said he nobly, "affect my honour." 
In his testament, he enjoined on his son Diego, and who- 
ever after him should inherit his estates, whatever dignities 
and titles might afterwards be granted by the king, always 
to sign himself simply 'The Admiral,' by way of perpetu- 
ating in the family its real source of greatness. 

"His conduct as a discoverer was characterized by the 
grandeur of his views, and the magnanimity of his spirit. 
Instead of scouring the newly found countries, like a grasp- 
ing adventurer eager only for immediate gain, as was too 
generally the case with contemporary discoverers, he sought 
to ascertain their soil and productions, their rivers and har- 
bours. He was desirous of colonizing and cultivating them, 
of conciliating and civilizing the natives, of building ci- 
ties, introducing the useful arts, subjecting every thing to 
the control of law, order and religion, and thus of found- 
ing regular and prosperous empires. In this glorious plan, 
he was constantly defeated by the dissolute rabble which it 
was his misfortune to command ; with whom all law was 
tyranny, and all order restraint. They interrupted all use- 
ful works by their seditions ; provoked the peaceful Indians 
to hostility ; and after they had thus drawn down misery 
and warfare upon their own heads, and overwhelmed Co- 
lumbus with the ruins of the edifice he was building, they 
charged him with being the cause of the confusion. 

" Well would it have been for Spain, had her discoverers 
who followed in the track of Columbus possessed his sound 
policy and liberal views. The new world, in such case, 
18 



138 OBSERVATIONS ON COLUMBUS. [book I. 

would have been settled by peaceful colonists, and civilized 
by enlightened legislators, instead of being overrun by des- 
perate adventurers, and desolated by avaricious conquerors. 

" Columbus was a man of quick sensibility, liable to great 
excitement, to sudden and strong impressions, and powerful 
impulses. He was naturally irritable and impetuous, and 
keenly sensible to injury or injustice ; yet the quickness of 
his temper was counteracted by the benevolence and gene- 
rosity of his heart. The magnanimity of his nature shone 
forth through all the troubles of his stormy career. Though 
continually outraged in his dignity, and braved in the exer- 
cise of his command ; though foiled in his plans, and en- 
dangered in his person by the seditions of turbulent and 
worthless men ; and that too at times when suffering under 
anxiety of mind and anguish of body, sufficient to exas- 
perate the most patient ; yet he restrained his valiant and 
indignant spirit; and by the strong power of his mind, 
brought himself to forbear, and reason, and even to suppli- 
cate : nor should we fail to notice how free he was from 
all feeling of revenge ; how ready to forgive and forget, 
on the least signs of repentance and atonement. He has 
been extolled for his skill in controlling others, but far 
greater praise is due to him for the firmness he displayed 
in governing himself. 

" His natural benignity made him accessible to all kinds 
of pleasurable influences from external objects. In his let- 
ters and journals, instead of detailing circumstances with 
the technical precision of a mere navigator, he notices the 
beauties of nature with the enthusiasm of a poet or a painter. 
As he coasts the shores of the New World, the reader parti- 
cipates in the enjoyment with which he describes, in his 
imperfect but picturesque Spanish, the varied objects around 
him ; the blandness of the temperature, the purity of the 
atmosphere, the fragrance of the air, ' full of dew and 
sweetness,' the verdure of the forests, the magnificence of 



CHAP. XIV.] OBSERVATIONS ON COLUMBUS. 139 

the trees, the grandeur of the mountains, and the limpidity 
and freshness of the running streams. New delight springs 
up for him in every scene. He extols each new discovery 
as more beautiful than the last, and each as the most beau- 
tiful in the world ; until with his simple earnestness, he 
tells the sovereigns, that having spoken so highly of the 
preceding islands, he fears they will not credit him when 
he declares that the one he is actually describing surpasses 
them all in excellence. 

" In the same ardent and unstudied way he expresses his 
emotions on various occasions, readily affected by impulses 
of joy or grief, of pleasure or indignation. When sur- 
rounded and overwhelmed by the ingratitude and violence 
of worthless men, he often, in the retirement of his cabin, 
gave way to gushes of sorrow, and relieved his overladen 
heart by sighs and groans. When he returned in chains 
to Spain, and came in the presence of Isabella, instead of 
continuing the lofty pride with which he had hitherto sus- 
tained his injuries, he was touched with grief and tender- 
ness at her sympathy, and burst forth into sobs and tears. 

"He was devoutly pious: religion mingled with the 
whole course of his thoughts and actions, and shone forth 
in all his most private and unstudied writings. Whenever 
he made any great discovery, he celebrated it by solemn 
thanks to God. The voice of prayer, and the melody of 
praise, rose from his ships when they first beheld the New 
World, and his first action on landing, was to prostrate him- 
self upon the earth and render up thanksgivings. Every 
evening the Salve Regina and other vesper hymns were 
chanted by his crew, and masses were performed in the 
beautiful groves that bordered the wild shores of this hea- 
then land. The religion thus deeply seated in his soul 
diffused a sober dignity and a benign composure over his 
whole demeanour. His language was pure and guarded, 
free from all imprecations, oaths and other irreverent ex- 



140 OBSERVATIONS ON COLUMBUS. [book i. 

pressions. All his great enterprises were undertaken ' in 
the name of the Holy Trinity,' and he partook of the holy 
sacrament previous to embarkation. He observed the fes- 
tivals of the church in the wildest situations. The Sab- 
bath was with him a day of sacred rest, on which he would 
never set sail from a port, unless in a case of extreme ne- 
cessity. He was a firm believer in the efficacy of vows 
and penances and pilgrimages, and resorted to them in times 
of difficulty and danger; but he carried his religion still 
farther, and his piety was darkened by the bigotry of the 
age. He evidently concurred in the opinion that all na- 
tions who did not acknowledge the Christian faith were 
destitute of natural rights ; that the sternest means might 
be used for their conversion, and the severest punishments 
inflicted upon their obstinacy in unbelief. In this spirit of 
bigotry he considered himself justified in making captives 
of the Indians, and transporting them to Spain to have 
them taught the doctrines of Christianity, and in selling 
them for slaves, if they pretended to resist his invasions. 
In doing the latter, he sinned against the natural goodness 
of his character, and against the feelings which he had 
originally entertained and expressed towards this gentle 
and hospitable people ; but he was goaded on by the mer- 
cenary impatience of the crown, and by the sneers of his 
enemies at the unprofitable result of his enterprises. It is 
but justice to his character to observe, that the enslave- 
ment of the Indians thus taken in battle was at first openly 
countenanced by the crown, and that when the question 
of right came to be discussed at the instance of the queen, 
several of the most distinguished jurists and theologians 
advocated the practice, so that the question was finally set- 
tled in favour of the Indians by the humanity of Isabella. 
As the venerable Bishop Las Casas observes, where the 
most learned men have doubted, it is not surprising that an 
unlearned mariner should err. 



CHAP. XIV.] OBSERVATIONS ON COLUMBUS. 141 

" These remarks in palliation of the conduct of Colum- 
bus are required by candour. It is proper to show him in 
connexion with the age in which he lived, lest the errors 
of the time should be considered his individual faults. It 
is not the intention of the author, however, to justify Co- 
lumbus on a point where it is inexcusable to err. Let it 
remain a blot on his illustrious name, and let others derive 
a lesson from it. 

"A peculiar trait in his rich and varied character remains 
to be noticed ; that ardent and enthusiastic imagination 
which threw a magnificence over his whole course of 
thought. Herrera intimates that he had a talent for poetry, 
and some slight traces of it are on record, in the book of 
prophecies which he presented to the Catholic sovereigns. 
But his poetical temperament is discernible throughout all 
his writings, and in all his actions. It spread a golden and 
glorious world around him, and tinged every thing with its 
own gorgeous colours. It betrayed him into visionary spe- 
culations, which subjected him to the sneers and cavillings 
of men of cooler and safer, but more grovelling minds. 
Such were the conjectures formed on the coast of Paria 
about the form of the earth and the situation of the terres- 
trial paradise ; about the mines of Ophir in Hispaniola, and 
of the Aurea Chersonesus in Veragua ; and such was the 
heroic scheme of a crusade for the recovery of the holy 
sepulchre. It mingled with his religion, and filled his mind 
with solemn and visionary meditations on mystic passages 
of the scriptures, and the shadowy portents of the prophe- 
cies. It exalted his office in his eyes, and made him con- 
ceive himself an agent sent forth upon a sublime and awful 
mission, subject to impulses and supernatural intimations 
from the deity ; such as the voice which he imagined spoke 
to him in comfort, amidst the troubles of Hispaniola, and 
in the silence of the night on the disastrous coast of Ve- 
ragua. 



142 OBSERVATIONS ON COLUMBUS. [book i. 

"He was decidedly a visionary; but a visionary of an 
uncommon and successful kind. The manner in which his 
ardent; imaginative and mercurial nature was controlled 
by a powerful judgment, and directed by an acute sagacity, 
is the most extraordinary feature in his character. Thus 
governed, his imagination, instead of exhausting itself in 
idle flights, lent aid to his judgment, and enabled him to 
form conclusions, at which common minds could never 
have arrived, nay, which they could not perceive when 
pointed out. 

" To his intellectual vision it was given to read in the 
signs of the times, and to trace in the conjectures and re- 
veries of past ages, the indications of an unknown world ; 
as soothsayers were said to read predictions in the stars, 
and to foretel events from the visions of the night. 'His 
soul,' observes a Spanish writer, ' was superior to the age 
in which he lived. For him was reserved the great enter- 
prise of traversing a sea which had given rise to so many 
fables, and of deciphering the mystery of his time.'* 

"With all the visionary fervour of his imagination, its 
fondest dreams fell short of the reality. He died in igno- 
rance of the real grandeur of his discovery. Until his last 
breath, he entertained the idea that he had merely opened 
a new way to the old resorts of opulent commerce, and 
had discovered some of the wild regions of the east. He 
supposed Hispaniola to be the ancient Ophir, which had 
been visited by the ships of Solomon, and that Cuba and 
Terra Firma were but remote parts of Asia. What visions 
of glory would have broken upon his mind^ could he have 
known that he had indeed discovered a new continent, 
equal to the whole of the old world in magnitude, and 
separated by two vast oceans from all the earth hitherto 
known by civilized man ! And how would his magnani- 

♦Cladera, Investigaciones Historicas, p. 43. 



CHAP. Xiv] OBSERVATIONS ON COLUMBUS. 143 

mous spirit have been consoled, amidst the afflictions of 
age, and the cares of penury, the neglect of a fickle public, 
and the injustice of an ungrateful king, could he have anti- 
cipated the splendid empires which were to spread over the 
beautiful world he had discovered, and the nations, and 
tongues, and languages, which were to fill its lands with 
his renown, and to revere and bless his name to the latest 
posterity !" 



144 THE LITTLE PORT OF PALOS. [book i. 



CHAPTER XV. 

Of tlio little port of Pulos, where Columbus litted out his ships: a 
pilgrimage to it by an American. 

The following narrative was commenced by Mr. 
Irving as a letter to a friend. It was inserted by him 
in the Appendix to his volume of Voyages and Dis- 
coveries of the Companions of Columbus, from an 
idea (justly entertained,) that many would feel the 
same sort of curiosity to know something of the 
condition of Palos and its inhabitants that led him to 
make a journey thither. 

"Seville, 182S. 

" Since I last wrote to you I have made, what I may 
term, an American Pilgrimage, to visit the little port of 
Palos in Andalusia, where Columbus fitted out his ships, 
and whence he sailed for the discovery of the New World. 
Need I tell you how deeply interesting and gratifying it has 
been to me ? I had long meditated this excursion as a 
kind of pious, and if I may so say, filial duty of an Ame- 
rican, and my intention was quickened when I learnt that 
many of the edifices mentioned in the history of Columbus 
still remained in nearly the same state in which they ex- 
isted at the time of his sojourn at Palos, and that the de- 
scendants of the intrepid Pinzons, who aided him with 
ships and money, and sailed with him in the great voyage 
of discovery, still flourished in the neighbourhood. 



CHAP. XV.] i-iijo LITTLE POUT Or I'ALOS. 145 

" The very evening before my departure from Seville 
on the excursion, I. heard that there was a young gentle- 
man of tlie PhvAon family studying law in the city. I got 
introduced to him, and found him of most prepossessing 
appearance and manners. lie gave me a letter of intro- 
duction to his father, Don Juan Fernandez JNnzon, resident 
of Moguer, and the present head of the family. 

"As it was in the middle of August, and the weather 
intensely hot, I hired a calesa for the journey. This is a 
two-whcclcd carriage, resembling a cabriolet, but of the 
most primitive and rude construction ; the harness is pro- 
fusely ornamented with brass, and the horse's head deco- 
rated with tufls and tassels and dangling bobs of scarlet 
and yellow worsted. 1 had, for calasero, a tall, long-leg- 
ged Andalusian, in short jacket, little round-crowned hat, 
breeches decorated with buttons from tlic hip to the knees, 
and a pair of russet leather bottinas or sjjatterdashes. He 
was an active fellow, though uncommonly taciturn for an 
Andalusian, and strode along beside his horse, rousing him 
occasionally to greater speed by a loud malediction or a 
hearty thwack of his cudgel. 

" In this style I set off late in tiic day to avoid the noon- 
tide heat, and after ascending the lofty range of hills that 
borders the great valley of the fjJuadal quiver, and having a 
rough ride among their heights, I descended about twilight 
into one of those vast, silent, melancholy plains, frequent 
in Spain, where I beheld no other signs of life than a 
roaming flock of bustards, and a distant herd of cattle, 
guarded by a solitary herdsman, who, with a long pike 
planted in the earth, stood motionless in the midst of the 
dreary landscape, resembling an Arab of the desert. The 
night had somewhat advanced when we stopped to repose 
for a few hours at a solitary venta or inn, if it migfit so be 
called, being nothing more than a vast low-roofed stable, 
divided into several compartments for the reception of the 
19 



146 THE LITTLE PORT OF PALOS. [book I. 

troops of mules and arrieros (or carriers) who carry on the 
internal trade of Spain. Accommodation for the traveller 
there was none — not even for a traveller so easily accom- 
modated as myself. The landlord had no food to give me, 
and as to a bed, he had none but a horse cloth, on which 
his only child, a boy of eight years old, lay naked on the 
earthen floor. Indeed the heat of the weather and the 
fumes from the stables made the interior of the hovel in- 
supportable, so I was fain to bivouac on my cloak on the 
pavement at the door of the venta, where, on waking after 
two or three hours of sound sleep, I found a contrabandista 
(or smuggler) snoring beside me, with his blunderbuss on 
his arm. 

" I resumed my journey before break of day, and had 
made several leagues by ten o'clock, when we stopped to 
breakfast, and to pass the sultry hours of midday in a large 
village, from whence we departed about four o'clock, and, 
after passing through the same kind of solitary country, ar- 
rived just after sunset at Moguer. This little city (for at 
present it is a city) is situated about a league from Palos, 
of which place it has gradually absorbed all the respectable 
inhabitants, and, among the number, the whole family of 
the Pinzons. 

" So remote is this little place from the stir and bustle of 
travel, and so destitute of the show and vainglory of this 
world, that my calesa as it rattled and jingled along the 
narrow and ill-paved streets caused a great sensation ; the 
children shouted and scampered along by its side, admiring 
its splendid trappings of brass and worsted, and gazing 
with reverence at the important stranger who came in so 
gorgeous an equipage. 

" I drove up to the principal posada, the landlord of 
which w^as at the door. He was one of the very civilest 
men in the world, and disposed to do every thing in his 
power to make me comfortable ; there was only one diffi- 



CHAP. XV.] THE LITTLE PORT OF PALOS. 147 

culty, he had neither bed nor bed-room in his. house. In 
fact, it was a mere venta for muleteers, who are accus- 
tomed to sleep on the ground with their mule cloths for 
beds and pack-saddles for pillows. It was a hard case, but 
there was no better posada in the place. Few people tra- 
vel for pleasure or curiosity in these out-of-the-way parts of 
Spain, and those of any note are generally received into 
private houses. I had travelled sufficiently in Spain to 
find out that a bed, after all, is not an article of indispensa- 
ble necessity, and was about to bespeak some quiet corner 
where I might spread my cloak, when fortunately the land- 
lord's wife came forth. She could not have a more oblig- 
ing disposition than her husband, but then — God bless the 
women ! — they always know how to carry their good 
wishes into effect. In a little while a small room about 
ten feet square, that had formed a thoroughfare between 
the stables and a kind of shop or bar room, was cleared of 
a variety of lumber, and I was assured that a bed should 
be put up there for me. From the consultations I saw my 
hostess holding with some of her neighbour gossips, I fan- 
cied the bed was to be a kind of piece-meal contribution 
among them for the credit of the house. 

"As soon as I could change my dress, I commenced the 
historical researches which were the object of my journey, 
and inquired for the abode of Don Juan Fernandez Pinzon. 
My obliging landlord himself volunteered to conduct me 
thither, and I set off full of animation at the thoughts of 
meeting with the lineal representative of one of the coad- 
jutors of Columbus. 

" A short walk brought us to the house, which was most 
respectable in its appearance, indicating easy, if not affluent 
circumstances. The door, as is customary in Spanish vil- 
lages, during summer, stood wide open. We entered with 
the usual salutation or rather summons, 'Ave Maria!' A 
trim Andalusian handmaid answered to the call, and, on 



148 THE LITTLE PORT OF PALOS. [BOOK i. 

our inquiring for the master of the house, led the way 
across a little patio or court, in the centre of the edifice, 
cooled by a fountain surrounded by shrubs and flowers, to 
a back court or terrace, likewise set out with flowers, where 
Don Juan Fernandez was seated with his family, enjoying 
the serene evening in the open air. 

" I was much pleased with his appearance. He was a 
venerable old gentleman, tall and somewhat thin, with fair 
complexion and grey hair. He received me with great 
urbanity, and on reading the letter from his son, appeared 
struck with surprise to find I had come quite to Moguer, 
merely to visit the scene of the embarkation of Columbus ; 
and still more so on my telling him, that one of my lead- 
ing objects of curiosity was his own family connexion ; for 
it would seem that the worthy cavalier had troubled his 
head but little about the enterprises of his ancestors. 

" I now took my seat in the domestic circle and soon felt 
myself quite at home, for there is generally a frankness in 
the hospitality of Spaniards that soon puts a stranger at his 
ease beneath their roof The wife of Don Juan Fernandez 
was extremely amiable and affable, possessing much of that 
natural aptness for which the Spanish women are remarka- 
ble. In the course of conversation with them, I learnt that 
Don Juan Fernandez, who is seventy-two years of age, is 
the eldest of five brothers, all of whom are married, have 
numerous offspring, and live in Moguer and its vicinity, in 
nearly the same condition and rank of life as at the time of 
the discovery. This agreed with what I had previously 
heard, respecting the families of the discoverers. Of Co- 
lumbus no lineal and direct descendant exists ; his was an 
exotic stock that never took deep and lasting root in the 
country ; but the race of the Pinzons continues to thrive 
and multiply in its native soil. 

" While I was yet conversing, a gentleman entered, who 
was introduced to me as Don Luis Fernandez Pinzon, the 



CHAP. XV.] THE LITTLE PORT OF PALOS. 149 

youngest of the brothers. He appeared to be between fifty 
and sixty years of age, somewhat robust, with fair com- 
plexion and grey hair, and a frank and manly deportment. 
He is the only one of the present generation that has fol- 
lowed the ancient profession of the family ; having served 
with great applause as an officer of the royal navy, from 
which he retired, on his marriage, about twenty-two years 
since. He is the one, also, who takes the greatest interest 
and pride in the historical honours of his house, carefully 
preserving all the legends and documents of the achieve- 
ments and distinctions of his family, a manuscript volume 
of which he lent me for my inspection. 

" Don Juan now expressed a wish that, during my resi- 
dence in Moguer, I would make his house my home. I 
endeavoured to excuse myself, alleging, that the good peo- 
ple at the posada had been at such extraordinary trouble in 
preparing quarters for me, that I did not like to disappoint 
them. The worthy old gentleman undertook to arrange 
all this, and, while supper was preparing, we walked toge- 
ther to the posada. I found that my obliging host and 
hostess had indeed exerted themselves to an uncommon de- 
gree. An old ricketty table had been spread out in a cor- 
ner of the little room as a bedstead, on top of which was 
propped up a grand cama de luio, or state bed, which ap- 
peared to be the admiration of the house. I could not, for 
the soul of me, appear to undervalue what the poor people 
had prepared with such hearty good will, and considered 
such a triumph of art and luxury ; so I again entreated 
Don Juan to dispense with my sleeping at his house, pro- 
mising most faithfully to make my meals there, while I 
should stay at Moguer, and as the old gentleman under- 
stood my motives for declining his invitation, and felt a 
good humoured sympathy in them, we readily arranged the 
matter. I returned therefore with Don Juan to his house, 
and supped with his family. During the repast, a plan was 



150 THE LITTLE PORT OF PALOS. [book r. 

agreed upon for my visit to Palos, and to the convent La 
Rabida, in which Don Juan volunteered to accompany me 
and be my guide, and the following day was allotted to the 
expedition. We were to breakfast at a hacienda, or coun- 
try seat, which he possessed in the vicinity of Palos, in the 
midst of his vineyards, and were to dine there on our re- 
turn from the convent. These arrangements being made, 
we parted for the night ; I returned to the posada highly 
gratified with my visit, and slept soutidly in the extraordi- 
nary bed which, I may almost say, had been invented for 
my accommodation. 

" On the following morning, bright and early, Don Juan 
Fernandez and myself set off in the calesa for Palos. I 
felt apprehensive at first, that the kind-hearted old gentle- 
man, in his anxiety to oblige, had left his bed at too early 
an hour, and was exposing himself to fatigues unsuited to 
his age. He laughed at the idea, and assured me that he 
was an early riser, and accustomed to all kinds of exercise 
on horse and foot, being a keen sportsman, and frequently 
passing days together among the mountains on shooting ex- 
peditions, taking with him servants, horses and provisions, 
and living in a tent. He appeared, in fact, to be of an ac- 
tive habit, and to possess a youthful vivacity of spirit. His 
cheerful disposition rendered our morning drive extremely 
agreeable ; his urbanity was shown to every one whom we 
met on the road ; even the common peasant was saluted by 
him with the appellation of caballero, a mark of respect 
ever gratifying to the poor, but proud Spaniard, when 
yielded by a superior. 

" As the tide was out, we drove along the flat grounds 
bordering the Tinto. The river was on our right, while 
on our left was a range of hills, jutting out into promonto- 
ries, one beyond the other, and covered with vineyards and 
fig trees. The weather was serene, the air soft and balmy, 
and the landscape of that gentle kind calculated to put one 



CHAP. XV.] xHE LITTLE PORT OF PALOS. 151 

in a quiet and happy humour. We passed close by the 
skirts of Palos, and drove to the hacienda, which is situa- 
ted at some little distance from the village, between it and 
the river. The house is a low stone building, well white- 
washed, and of great length ; one end being fitted up as a 
summer residence, with saloons, bed-rooms, and a domestic 
chapel ; and the other as a bodega or magazine for the re- 
ception of the wine produced on the estate. 

" The house stands on a hill, amidst vineyards, which are 
supposed to cover a part of the scite of the ancient town of 
Palos, now shrunk to a miserable village. Beyond these 
vineyards, on the crest of a distant hill, are seen the white 
walls of the convent of La Rabida rising above a dark 
wood of pine trees. 

" Below the hacienda flows the river Tinto, on which 
Columbus embarked. It is divided by a low tongue of 
land, or rather the sand bar of Saltes, from the river Odiel, 
with which it soon mingles its waters, and flows on to the 
ocean. Beside this sand bar, where the channel of the 
river runs deep, the squadron of Columbus was anchored, 
and from hence he made sail on the morning of his depar- 
ture. 

" The soft breeze that was blowing scarcely ruflled the 
surface of this beautiful river; two or three picturesque 
barks, called mysticks, with long latine sails, were gliding 
down it. A little aid of the imagination might suffice to 
picture them as the light caravels of Columbus, sallying 
forth on their eventful expedition, while the distant bells 
of the town of Huelva, which were ringing melodiously, 
might be supposed as cheering the voyagers with a fare- 
well peal. 

"I cannot express to you what were my feelings on 
treading the shore which had once been animated by the 
bustle of departure, and whose sands had been printed by 
the last footstep of Columbus. The solemn and sublime 



152 THE LITTLE PORT OF PALOS, [book i. 

nature of the event that had followed, together with the 
fate and fortunes of those concerned in it, filled the mind 
with vague yet melancholy ideas. It was like viewing the 
silent and empty stage of some great drama when all the 
actors had departed. The very aspect of the landscape, so 
tranquilly beautiful, had an effect upon me, and as I paced 
the deserted shore by the side of a descendant of one of 
the discoverers, I felt my heart swelling with emotions and 
my eyes filling with tears. 

" What surprised me was to find no semblance of a sea- 
port ; there was neither wharf nor landing-place — nothing 
but a naked river bank, with the hulk of a ferry-boat, 
which I was told carried passengers to Huelva, lying high 
and dry on the sands, deserted by the tide. Palos, though 
it has doubtless dwindled away from its former size, can 
never have been important as to extent and population. If 
it possessed warehouses on the beach, they have disap- 
peared. It is at present a mere village of the poorest kind, 
and lies nearly a quarter of a mile from the river, in a hol- 
low among hills. It contains a few hundred inhabitants, 
who subsist principally by labouring in the fields and vine- 
yards. Its race of merchants and mariners are extinct. 
There are no vessels belonging to the place, nor any show 
of traffic, excepting at the season of fruit and wine, when 
a few mysticks and other light barks anchor in the river to 
collect the produce of the neighbourhood. The people are 
totally ignorant, and it is probable that the greater part of 
them scarce know even the name of America. Such is the 
place from whence sallied forth the enterprise for the disco- 
very of the western world ! 

" We were now summoned to breakfast in a little saloon 
of the hacienda. The table was covered with natural lux- 
uries produced upon the spot — fine purple and muscatel 
grapes from the adjacent vineyard, delicious melons from 
the garden, and generous wines made on the estate. The 



CHAP. XV.] THE LITTLE PORT OF PALOS. 153 

repast was heightened by the genial manners of my hos- 
pitable host, who appeared to possess the most enviable 
cheerfulness of spirit and simplicity of heart. 

" After breakfast we set off in the calesa to visit the con- 
vent of La Rabida, which is about half a league distant. 
The road, for a part of the way, lay through the vineyards, 
and was deep and sandy. The calasero had been at his 
wit's end to conceive what motive a stranger like myself, 
apparently travelling for mere amusement, could have in 
coming so far to see so miserable a place as Palos, which 
he set down as one of the very poorest places in the whole 
world ; but this additional toil and struggle through deep 
sand, to visit the old convent of La Rabida, completed his 
confusion — ' Hombre !' exclaimed he, ' es una ruina ! no 
hay mas que dos frailes!' — 'Zounds! why it's a ruin! 
there are only two friars there !' Don Juan laughed, and 
told him that I had come all the way from Seville precisely 
to see that old ruin and those two friars. The calasero 
made the Spaniard's last reply when he is perplexed — he 
shrugged his shoulders and crossed himself. 

"After ascending a hill and passing through the skirts of 
a straggling pine wood, we arrived in front of the convent. 
It stands in a bleak and solitary situation, on the brow of a 
rocky height or promontory, overlooking to the west a wide 
range of sea and land, bounded by the frontier mountains 
of Portugal, about eight leagues distant. The convent is 
shut out from a view of the vineyard of Palos by the 
gloomy forest of pines which I have mentioned, which 
cover the promontory to the east, and darken the whole 
landscape in that direction. 

" There is nothing remarkable in the architecture of the 
convent ; part of it is Gothic, but the edifice having been 
frequently repaired, and being whitewashed, according to a 
universal custom in Andalusia, inherited from the Moors, it 
has not that venerable aspect which might be expected from 
its antiquity. 

20 



154 THE LITTLE PORT OF PALOS. [BOOK I. 

" We alighted at the gate where Columbus, when a poor 
pedestrian, a stranger in the land, asked bread and water for 
his child ! As long as the convent stands, this must be a 
spot calculated to awaken the most thrilling interest. The 
gate remains apparently in nearly the same state as at the 
time of his visit, but there is no longer a porter at hand to 
administer to the wants of the wayfarer. The door stood 
wide open, and admitted us into a small court yard. From 
thence we passed through a Gothic portal into the chapel, 
without seeing a human being. We then traversed two 
interior cloisters, equally vacant and silent, and bearing a 
look of neglect and dilapidation. From an open window 
we had a peep at what had once been a garden, but that 
had also gone to ruin ; the walls were broken and thrown 
down ; a few shrubs, and a scattered fig tree or two, were 
all the traces of cultivation that remained. We passed 
through the long dormitories, but the cells were shut up 
and abandoned ; we saw no living thing except a solitary 
cat stealing across a distant corridor, which fled in a panic 
at the unusual sight of strangers. At length, after patrol- 
ling nearly the whole of the empty building to the echo of 
our own footsteps, we came to where the door of a cell, be- 
ing partly open, gave us the sight of a monk within, seated 
at a table writing. He rose and received us with much ci- 
vility, and conducted us to the superior, who was reading 
in an adjacent cell. They were both rather young men, 
and, together with a noviciate and a lay-brother, who ofli- 
ciated as cook, formed the whole community of the con- 
vent. 

''Don Juan Fernandez communicated to them the object 
of my visit, and my desire also to inspect the archives of 
the convent to find if there was any record of the sojourn 
of Columbus. They informed us that the archives had 
been entirely destroyed by the French. The younger 
monk, however, who had perused them, had a vague recol- 



CHAP. XV.] THE LITTLE PORT OF PALOS. 155 

lection of various particulars concerning the transactions of 
Columbus at Palos, his visit to the convent, and the sailing 
of his expedition. From all that he cited, however, it ap- 
peared to me that all the information on the subject con- 
tained in the archives, had been extracted from Herreraand 
other well known authors. The monk was talkative and 
eloquent, and soon diverged from the subject of Columbus, 
to one which he considered of infinitely greater impor- 
tance ; — the miraculous image of the Virgin possessed by 
their convent, and known by the name of ' Our Lady of 
La Rabida.' He gave us a history of the wonderful way 
in which the image had been found buried in the earth, 
where it had lain hidden for ages, since the time of the 
conquest of Spain by the Moors ; the disputes between the 
convent and different places in the neighbourhood for the 
possession of it ; the marvellous protection it extended to 
the adjacent country, especially in preventing all madness, 
either in man or dog, for this malady was anciently so pre- 
valent in this place as to gain it the appellation of La Ra- 
bia, by which it was originally called ; a name which, 
thanks to the beneficent influence of the Virgin, it no longer 
merited or retained. Such are the legends and reliques 
with which every convent in Spain is enriched, which are 
zealously cried up by the monks, and devoutly credited by 
the populace. 

" Twice a year on the festival of our Lady of La Rabida, 
and on that of the patron saint of the order, the solitude 
and silence of the convent are interrupted by the intrusion 
of a swarming multitude, composed of the inhabitants of 
Moguer, of Huelva, and the neighbouring plains and moun- 
tains. The open esplanade in front of the edifice resembles 
a fair, the adjacent forest teems with the motley throng, 
and the image of our Lady of La Rabida is borne forth in 
triumphant procession. 



156 THE LITTLE PORT OF PALOS. [book I, 

" While the friar was thus dilating upon the merits and 
renown of the image, I amused myself with those day 
dreams, or conjurings of the imagination to which I am a 
little given. As the internal arrangements of convents are 
apt to be the same from age to age, I pictured to myself 
this chamber as the same inhabited by the guardian, Juan 
Perez de Marchena at the time of the visit of Columbus. 
Why might not the old and ponderous table before me be 
the very one on which he displayed his conjectural maps, 
and expounded his theory of a western route to India ? It 
required but another stretch of the imagination to assemble 
the little conclave around the table ; Juan Perez the friar, 
Garci Fernandez the physician, and Martin Alonzo Pinzon 
the bold navigator, all listening with wrapped attention to 
Columbus, or to the tale of some old seaman of Palos, 
about islands seen in the western parts of the ocean. 

" The friars, as far as their poor means and scanty know- 
ledge extended, were disposed to do every thing to promote 
the object of my visit. They showed us all parts of the 
convent, which, however, has little to boast of, excepting 
the historical associations connected with it. The library 
was reduced to a few volumes, chiefly on ecclesiastical sub- 
jects, piled promiscuously in the corner of a vaulted cham- 
ber, and covered with dust. The chamber itself was cu- 
rious, being the most ancient part of the edifice, and sup- 
posed to have formed part of a temple in the time of the 
Romans. 

" We ascended to the roof of the convent to enjoy the 
extensive prospect it commands. Immediately below the 
promontory on which it is situated, runs a narrow but tole- 
rably deep river, called the Domingo Rubio, which empties 
itself into the Tinto. It is the opinion of Don Luis Fer- 
nandez Pinzon, that the ships of Columbus were careened 
and fitted out in this river, as it affords better shelter than 
the Tinto, and its shores are not so shallow. A lonely 



CHAP. XV.] THE LITTLE PORT OF PALOS. 157 

bark of a fisherman was lying in this stream, and not far 
off, on a sandy point, were the ruins of an ancient watch- 
tower. From the roof of the convent, all the windings of 
the Odiel and the Tinto were to be seen, and their junc- 
tion into the main stream, by which Columbus sallied forth 
to sea. In fact the convent serves as a landmark, being, 
from its lofty and solitary situation, visible for a considera- 
ble distance to vessels coming on the coast. On the oppo- 
site side I looked down upon the lonely road, through the 
wood of pine trees, by which the zealous guardian of the 
convent, Fray Juan Perez departed at midnight on his mule, 
when he sought the camp of Ferdinand and Isabella in the 
Vega of Granada, to plead the project of Columbus before 
the queen. 

" Having finished our inspection of the convent, we pre- 
pared to depart, and were accompanied to the outward por- 
tal by the two friars. Our calasero brought his rattling 
and ricketty vehicle for us to mount ; at sight of which 
one of the monks exclaimed, with a smile, ' Santa Maria ! 
only to think ! A calesa before the gate of the convent of 
La Rabida!' And, indeed, so solitary and remote is this 
ancient edifice, and so simple is the mode of living of the 
people in this bye-corner of Spain, that the appearance of 
even a sorry calesa might well cause astonishment. It is 
only singular that in such a bye-corner the scheme of Co- 
lumbus should have found intelligent listeners and coadju- 
tors, after it had been discarded, almost with scoffing and 
contempt, from learned universities and splendid courts. 

" On our way back to the hacienda, we met Don Rafael, 
a younger son of Don Juan Fernandez, a fine young man 
about twenty-one years of age, and who, his father in- 
formed me, was at present studying French and mathe- 
matics. He was well mounted on a spirited grey horse, 
and dressed in the Adalusian style, with the little round 
hat and jacket. He sat his horse gracefully, and managed 



158 THE LITTLE PORT OF PALOS. [book I. 

him well. I was pleased with the frank and easy terms on 
which Don Juan appeared to live with his children. This I 
was inclined to think his favourite son, as I understood he 
was the only one that partook of the old gentleman's fond- 
ness for the chase, and that accompanied him in his hunt- 
ing excursions. 

" A dinner had been prepared for us at the hacienda, by 
the wife of the capitaz, or overseer, who, with her husband, 
seemed to be well pleased with this visit from Don Juan, 
and to be confident of receiving a pleasant answer from the 
good humoured old gentleman whenever they addressed 
him. The dinner was served up about two o'clock, and 
was a most agreeable meal. The fruits and wines were 
from the estate, and were excellent ; the rest of the provi- 
sions were from Moguer, for the adjacent village of Palos 
is too poor to furnish any thing. A gentle breeze from the 
sea played through the hall, and tempered the summer heat. 
Indeed I do not know when I have seen a more enviable 
spot than this country retreat of the Pinzons. Its situation 
on a breezy hill, at no great distance from the sea, and in a 
southern climate, produces a happy temperature, neither hot 
in summer nor cold in winter. It commands a beautiful 
prospect, and is surrounded by natural luxuries. The 
country abounds with game, the adjacent river affords 
abundant sport in fishing, both by day and night, and de- 
lightful excursions for those fond of sailing. During the 
busy seasons of rural life, and especially at the joyous pe- 
riod of vintage, the family pass some time here, accompa- 
nied by numerous guests, at which times, Don Juan as- 
sured me, there was no lack of amusements, both by land 
and water. 

" When we had dined, and taken the siesta, or afternoon 
nap, according to the Spanish custom in summer time, we 
set out on our return to Moguer, visiting the village of Pa- 
los in the way. Don Gabriel had been sent in advance to 



CHAP. SV.] THE LITTLE PORT OF PALOS. 159 

procure the keys of the village church, and to apprise the 
curate of our wish to inspect the archives. The village 
consists principally of two streets of low white-washed 
houses. Many of the inhabitants have very dark complex- 
ions, betraying a mixture of African blood. 

" On entering the village, we repaired to the lowly man- 
sion of the curate. I had hoped to find him some such per- 
sonage as the curate in Don Q,uixotte, possessed of shrewd- 
ness and information in his limited sphere, and that I might 
gain some anecdotes from him concerning his parish, its 
worthies, its antiquities, and its historical events. Perhaps 
I might have done so at any other time, but, unfortunately, 
the curate was something of a sportsman, and had heard of 
some game among the neighbouring hills. We met him 
just sallying forth from his house, and, I must confess, his 
appearance was picturesque. He was a short, broad, stur- 
dy, little man, and had doffed his cassock and broad cleri- 
cal beaver, for a short jacket and a little round Andalusian 
hat; he had his gun in hand, and was on the point of 
mounting a donkey which had "been led forth by an ancient 
withered handmaid. Fearful of being detained from his 
foray, he accosted my companion the moment he came in 
sight. 'God preserve you, Senor Don Juan ! I have re- 
ceived your message, and have but one anwer to make. 
The archives have all been destroyed. We have no trace 
of any thing you seek for — nothing — nothing. Don Ra- 
fael has the keys of the church. You can examine it at 
at your leisure — Adios, caballero !' With these words the 
galliard little curate mounted his donkey, thumped his ribs 
with the butt end of his gun, and trotted off to the hills. 

" In our way to the church we passed by the ruins of 
what had once been a fair and spacious dwelling, greatly 
superior to the other houses of the village. This, Don 
Juan informed me, was an old family possession, but since 
they had removed from Palos it had fallen to decay for 



160 THE LITTLE PORT OF PALOS. [book 1. 

want of a tenant. It was probably the family residence of 
Martin Alonzo or Vicente Yanez Pinzon, in the time of 
Cokimbus. 

"We now arrived at the church of St. George, in the 
porch of which, Columbus first proclaimed to the inhabi- 
tants of Palos the order of the sovereigns, that they should 
furnish him with ships for his great voyage of discovery. 
This edifice has lately been thoroughly repaired, and, being 
of solid mason work, promises to stand for ages, a monu- 
ment of the discoverers. It stands outside of the village, on 
the brow of a hill, looking along a little valley toward the 
river. The remains of a Moorish arch prove it to have 
been a mosque in former times ; just above it, on the crest 
of the hill, is the ruin of a Moorish castle. 

" I paused in the porch and endeavoured to recall the in- 
teresting scene that had taken place there, when Columbus, 
accompanied by the zealous friar, Juan Perez, caused the 
public notary to read the royal order in presence of the 
astonished alcaldes, regidors and alguazils ; but it is difficult 
to conceive the consternation that must have been struck 
into so remote a little community, by this sudden apparition 
of an entire stranger among them, bearing a command that 
they should put their persons and ships at his disposal, and 
sail with him away into the unknown wilderness of the 
ocean. 

" The interior of the church has nothing remarkable, 
excepting a wooden image of St. George vanquishing the 
Dragon, which is erected over the high altar, and is the ad- 
miration of the good people of Palos, who bear it about 
the streets in grand procession on the anniversary of the 
saint. This group existed in the time of Columbus, and 
now flourishes in renovated youth and splendour, having 
been newly painted and gilded, and the countenance of the 
saint rendered peculiarly blooming and lustrous. 



CHAP. XV.] THE LITTLE PORT OF PALOS. 161 

" Having finished the examination of the church, we re- 
sumed our seats in the calesa and returned to Moguer. One 
thing only remained to fulfil the object of my pilgrimage. 
This was to visit the chapel of the convent of Santa Clara. 
When Columbus was in danger of being lost in a tempest 
on his way home from his great voyage of discovery, he 
made a vow, that should he be spared, he would watch and 
pray one whole night in this chapel ; a vow which he doubt- 
less fulfilled immediately after his arrival. 

" My kind and attentive friend, Don Juan, conducted me 
to the convent. It is the wealthiest in Moguer, and be- 
longs to a sisterhood of Franciscan nuns. The chapel is 
large, and ornamented with some degree of richness, parti- 
cularly the part about the high altar, which is embellished 
by magnificent monuments of the brave family of the Puerto 
Carreros, the ancient lords of Moguer, and renowned in 
Moorish warfare. The alabaster effigies of distinguished 
warriors of that house, and of their wives and sisters, lie 
side by side, with folded hands, on tombs immediately be- 
fore the altar, while others recline in deep niches on either 
side. The night had closed in by the time I entered the 
church, which made the scene more impressive. A few 
votive lamps shed a dim light about the interior; their 
beams were feebly reflected by the gilded work of the 
high altar, and the frames of the surrounding paintings, 
and rested upon the marble figures of the warriors and 
dames lying in the monumental repose of ages. The so- 
lemn pile must have presented much the same appearance 
when the pious discoverer performed his vigil, kneeling be- 
fore this very altar, and praying and watching throughout 
the night, and pouring forth heartfelt praises for having 
been spared to accomplish his sublime discovery. 

" I had now completed the main purpose of my journey, 
having visited the various places connected with the story 
of Columbus. It was highly gratifying to find some of 
21 



162 THE LITTLE PORT OF PALOS. [book 1. 

them so little changed though so great a space of time had 
intervened ; but in this quiet nook of Spain, so far removed 
from the main thoroughfares, the lapse of time produces 
but few violent revolutions. Nothing, however, had sur- 
prised and gratified me more than the continued stability of 
the Pinzon family. On the morning after my excursion to 
Palos, chance gave me an opportunity of seeing something 
of the interior of most of their households. Having a cu- 
riosity to visit the remains of a Moorish castle, once the 
citadel of Moguer, Don Fernandez undertook to show me 
a tower which served as a magazine of wine to one of the 
Pinzon family. In seeking for the key we were sent from 
house to house of nearly the whole connexion. All ap- 
peared to be living in that golden mean equally removed 
from the wants and superfluities of life, and all to be hap- 
pily interwoven by kind and cordial habits of intimacy. 
We found the females of the family generally seated in the 
patios, or central courts of their dwellings, beneath the 
shade of awnings and among shrubs and flowers. Here 
the Andalusian ladies are accustomed to pass their mornings 
at work, surrounded by their handmaids, in the primitive, 
or rather, oriental style. In the porches of some of the 
houses I observed the coat of arms, granted to the family 
by Charles Y. hung up like a picture in a frame. Over the 
door of Don Luis, the naval officer, it was carved on an 
escutcheon of stone, and coloured. I had gathered many 
particulars of the family also from conversation with Don 
Juan, and from the family legend lent me by Don Luis. 
From all that I could learn, it would appear that the lapse 
of nearly three centuries and a half has made but little 
change in the condition of the Pinzons. From generation 
to generation they have retained the same fair standing and 
reputable name throughout the neighbourhood, filling offi- 
ces of public trust and dignity, and possessing great influ- 
ence over their fellow citizens by their good sense and 



CHAP. XV.] THE LITTLE PORT OF PALOS. 163 

good conduct. How rare is it to see such an instance of 
stability of fortune in this fluctuating world, and how truly 
honourable is this hereditary respectability, which has been 
secured by no titles or entails, but perpetuated merely by 
the innate worth of the race ! I declare to you that the 
most illustrious descents of mere titled rank could never 
command the sincere respect and cordial regard with which 
I contemplated this staunch and enduring family, which for 
three centuries and a half has stood merely upon its virtues. 

" As I was to set off on my return to Seville before two 
o'clock, I partook of a farewell repast at the house of Don 
Juan, between twelve and one, and then took leave of his 
household with sincere regret. The good old gentleman, 
with the courtesy, or rather the cordiality of a true Spa- 
niard, accompanied me to the posada to see me off. I had 
dispensed but little money in the posada — thanks to the 
hospitality of the Pinzons — yet the Spanish pride of my 
host and hostess seemed pleased that I had preferred their 
humble chamber, and the scanty bed they had provided me, 
to the spacious mansion of Don Juan ; and when I expres- 
sed my thanks for their kindness and attention, and regaled 
mine host with a few choice cigars, the heart of the poor 
man was overcome. He seized me by both hands and 
gave me a parting benediction, and then ran after the cala- 
sefo to enjoin him to take particular care of me during my 
journey. 

" Taking a hearty leave of my excellent friend Don Juan, 
who had been unremitting in his attentions to me to the 
last moment, I now set off in my wayfaring, gratified to 
the utmost with my visit, and full of kind and grateful 
feelings towards Moguer and its hospitable inhabitants."* 

* Voyages of Companions of Columbus, p. 325 to 346. 



164 AMERICUS VESPUCIUS FROM 1505 TO 1508. [book I. 



CHAPTER XVI. 

Of Americus Vespucius from 1505 to 1508; his appointment then as 
chief pilot of Spain ; and the expeditions of Vicente Yanez Pinzon 
and Juan Diaz de Solis in 1506 and 1508. 

On the 11th of April 1505, Ferdinand made Ves- 
pucius a grant of twelve thousand maravedis; and 
on the 24th of the same month, letters of naturaliza- 
tion were issued in his behalf, in consideration, as 
they recite, of his fidelity and many valuable services 
to the crown. Shortly afterwards, he and Vicente 
Yanez Pinzon were named captains of an armada 
then contemplated from Spain. For this voyage ves- 
sels were procured and fitted out, and other prepara- 
tions made, but it was eventually abandoned. There 
are memoranda existing concerning it dated in 1505, 
1507 and 1508, from which it appears that Vespucius 
remained at Seville attending to the fluctuating ccfn- 
cerns of this squadron, until the change of its desti- 
nation, the sale of the equipments, and settlement of 
the accounts. During this time he had a salary of 
thirty thousand maravedis. On the 22d of March 
1508, he received the appointment of chief pilot, 
with a salary of seventy-five thousand maravedis. 
Seville was now the place of his residence. His 
chief duties were to prepare charts, examine pilots, 
superintend the fitting out of expeditions, and pre- 



CHAP. XVl] EXPEDITIONS IN 1506 AND 1508. 165 

scribe the route that vessels were to pursue in their 
voyages to the new world.* 

Mr. Irving states that in 1506, Vicente Yanez 
Pinzon undertook an expedition in company with 
Juan Diaz de Soils, a native of Lebrija, the object of 
which was to find the strait or passage supposed by 
Columbus to lead from the Atlantic to a southern 
ocean ; but that no such passage existing, this voy- 
age was necessarily without success, as was also ano- 
ther made by them for the same purpose in 1508.t 
In the preface of the French editor to the History of 
the Province of Sancta Cruz, mentioned on page 108, 
after referring to the visits of the Portuguese naviga- 
tors to this province, amongst others to one by Al- 
fonso d'Albuquesque in 1503, and to another three 
years later, by Tustan d'Acunha, he says, " In 1508, 
the King of Spain, jealous of preserving the exclusive 
possession of America, dispatched to this country 
Vicente Yanez Pinzon and Juan Diaz de Solis." It 
may be that the object of the expedition of 1508 was 
two fold, to find a passage by a strait from the Atlan- 
tic to the Pacific ocean, and also to take possession 
of Brazil, as far as practicable, so as to check the 
Portuguese in their endeavours to enlarge their pos- 
sessions in that country. 



* living's Columbus, vol. 2, p. 252. Ap- f Voyages of Companions of Columbus, 

pendix No. 10. Life of Vespucius, p. 256 p. 40, 41. 
to 264, also p. 395, 396. 



166 JUAN PONCE DE LEON. ' [BOOK I. 



CHAPTER XVII. 

Of the subjugation of Hispaniola, and its government under Diego Co- 
lumbus ; also of the subjugation of Porto Rico in 1509, while Juan 
Ponce de Leon was commander in that island. 

After four other Indian sovereignties of Hispaniola 
had been subjugated, the downfall of Higuey, the last 
of those independent districts, was accomplished un- 
der the administration of Ovando. Juan Ponce, a 
native of Leon, generally called Juan Ponce de Leon, 
was commander of part of the troops. He had 
served against the Moors of Granada, had accompa- 
nied Columbus in his second voyage in 1493, and 
had distinguished himself in various battles with the 
Indians. In the campaign against Higuey, he se- 
conded his chief, Juan de Esquibel, so vaHantly, that 
after the subjugation of the province, he was ap- 
pointed to the command of it as lieutenant of the 
governor of Hispaniola.* 

The province of Higuey lay at the eastern end of 
Hayti. The isle of Boriquen was directly opposite, 
and but twelve or fourteen leagues distant. The In- 
dians of the two islands frequently visited each other ; 
and in the transparent atmosphere of the tropics Juan 
Ponce could see Boriquen from his province. He 
obtained permission from governor Ovando to visit it, 

* Voyages of Companions of Columbus, p. 292, 3. 



CHAP. XVII.] DIEGO COLUMBUS. 167 

and brought back such specimens of gold that the 
governor determined on the subjugation of the island: 
it was proposed to confide the enterprise to Juan 
Ponce. He made another, and as it were a prepara- 
tory visit, to make himself acquainted with the coun- 
try, and with the nature and resources of the inhabi- 
tants. After remaining some time on the island, he 
returned to San Domingo, but found the whole face 
of affairs had changed in his absence. His patron, 
the governor Ovando, had been recalled to Spain.* 

This was after the law suit of Diego Columbus, 
son of the renowned discoverer, was determined in 
his favour. According to the capitulations between 
the sovereign and his father, Diego was to be viceroy 
and governor of the new world. Ferdinand withheld 
the title of viceroy, but ceded to Diego the dignities 
and powers that had been enjoyed by Ovando. Even 
this cession was not made until the power of Diego 
was increased by his connexion in marriage. He 
married Donna Maria de Toledo, daughter of Fer- 
nando de Toledo, grand commander of Leon, and 
niece of the celebrated duke of Alva, chief favourite 
of the king.f 

" The new admiral embarked at St. Lucar, June 9, 1509, 
with his wife, his brother Don Fernando, who was now 
grown to man's estate, and had been well educated, and 
his two uncles Don Bartholomew and Don Diego. They 
were accompanied by a numerous retinue of cavaliers, with 
their wives, and of young ladies of rank and family, more 
distinguished, it is hinted, for high blood than large for- 



* Voyages of Companions of Columbus, p. 296. 

t Irving's Columbus, vol. 2, p. 213 to 218. Voyages of Companions of Columbus, p. 296. 



168 PORTO RICO SUBDUED IN 1509. [BOOK I. 

tune, and who were sent out to find wealthy husbands in 
the new world.* 

" Though the king had not granted Don Diego the dig- 
nity of viceroy, the title was generally given to him by 
courtesy, and his wife was universally addressed by that of 
vice-queen, 

" Don Diego commenced his rule with a degree of splen- 
dour hitherto unknown in the colony. The vice-queen, 
who was a lady of great desert, surrounded by the noble 
cavaliers and the young ladies of family who had came in 
her retinue, established a sort of court, which threw a de- 
gree of lustre over the half savage island. The young la- 
dies were soon married to the wealthiest colonists, and con- 
tributed greatly to soften those rude manners which had 
grown up in a state of society hitherto destitute of the salu- 
tary restraint and pleasing decorum produced by female in- 
fluence. 

"Don Diego had considered his appointment in the light 
of a vice-royalty, but the king soon took measures which 
showed that he admitted of no such pretension."! 

A cavalier arrived from Spain, empowered by the 
king to form a settlement and build a fortress on the 
island of Porto Rico. His name was Christoval de 
Sotomayor ; he was brother to the Count of Camina, 
and had been secretary to Philip the First, King of 
Castile, and father of Charles the Fifth. Diego Co- 
lumbus considered this in disregard of his prerogative 
as viceroy, and refused to put Sotomayor in posses- 
sion. He paid as little respect to the claims of Juan 
Ponce. Choosing officers to suit himself, he ap- 
pointed one Juan Ceron to the government of Porto 
Rico, and Miguel Diaz as his lieutenant. Juan 

* Las Casas, L. 2, cap. 49, MS. f Irving's Columbus, vol. 2, p. 216, Appendix No. 2. 



CHAP. XVII.] PORTO RICO SUBDUED IN 1509. 169 

Ponce and Sotomayor bore their disappointment with 
a good grace : they joined the crowd of adventurers 
that accompanied the newly appointed governor.* 

Afterwards the king appointed Juan Ponce go- 
vernor of the island, and signified that Diego Co- 
lumbus was not to presume to displace him. The 
first step of Juan Ponce was to quarrel with Juan 
Ceron and Miguel Diaz, the ex-governor and his 
lieutenant, and send them prisoners to Spain. To 
Sotomayor he was more favourable ; making him 
lieutenant and alcalde mayor. But the cavalier was 
so ridiculed for accepting this subaltern situation, that 
he had to resign ; he remained in the island as a pri- 
vate individual until upon an insurrection by the na- 
tives he was massacred. f 

Juan Ponce fixed his seat of government in a town 
called Caparra, which he founded on the northern 
side of the island about a league from the sea ; it was 
in front of the port called Rico, which subsequently 
gave its name to the island. After the insurrection, 
he might almost be considered a governor without 
territories and a general without soldiers. His vil- 
lages were in ruins, and his whole force did not 
amount to a hundred men, several of whom were 
disabled by their wounds. One of his mosfefficient 
warriors was a dog named Berezillo, for whom his 
master received the pay, allowance and share of booty 
assigned to a cross-bow man ; and perhaps the pay 
should have been higher, for it is said he did more 
than could have been done by several soldiers. Juan 
Ponce occasionally made assaults upon the Indians 

* Voyages of Companions of Columbus, p. 296 to 298. f Id. p. 298 to 306. 

22 



170 PORTO RICO SUBDUED IN 1509. [^oo^ i. 

with small bodies of his men, but he would not ven- 
ture much until he had reinforcements from His- 
paniola. While fighting hard to maintain his sway, 
his dignity was terminated. King Ferdinand became 
convinced that in superseding the governor and lieu- 
tenant governor appointed by Diego Columbus, he 
had infringed the rights of the admiral. When there- 
fore Juan Ceron and Miguel Diaz came prisoners to 
Spain, the king sent them back empowered to resume 
command. By the time they reached the island, Juan 
Ponce had completed its subjugation. The fate of 
the natives of Boriquen was hke that of their neigh- 
bours of Hayti.* 

* Voyages of Companions of Columbus, p. 300 to 312. 



CHAP. XVIII.] COLONIES AT DARIEN. 171 



CHAPTER XVIII. 

Of the subjugation of Jamaica ia 1509, and the armaments in the same 
year to found colonies along the isthmus of Darien ; the attempts of 
Alonzo de Ojeda to plant his colony ; his conflicts with the Indians ; 
and the formula read to them as an excuse for killing them. 

King Ferdinand, having resolved to found regular 
colonies along the isthmus of Darien, had, without 
any reference to Diego Columbus, divided this part 
of the continent into two provinces, separated by an 
imaginary line running through the gulf of Uraba. 
The eastern part, extending to Cape de la Vela, was 
called New Andalusia, and the government of it given 
to Alonzo de Ojeda. The other to the west, including 
Veragua, and reaching to Cape Gracios a Dios, was 
assigned to Diego de Nicuesa.* 

" Had the monarch been swayed by principles of justice 
and gratitude, the settlement of this coast would have been 
given to the Adelantado, Don Bartholomew Columbus, who 
had assisted in the discovery of the country, and, together 
with his brother the admiral, had suffered so greatly in the 
enterprise. Even his superior abilities for the task should 
have pointed him out to the policy of the monarch ; but 
the cautious and calculating Ferdinand knew the lofty spirit 
of the Adelantado, and that he would be disposed to de- 
mand high and dignified terms. He passed him by, there- 

* Voyages of Companions of Columbus, p. 54 to 58. Irving's Columbus, p. 21C. 



172 JAMAICA SUBDUED IN 1509. [BOOK I. 

fore, and preferred more eager and accommodating adven- 
turers."* 

Each of the governors was to erect two fortresses, 
and to enjoy for ten years the profits of the mines he 
should discover ; paying to the crown one tenth part 
the first year, one ninth the second, one eighth the 
third, one seventh the fourth, and one fifth part in 
each of the remaining years. Diego Columbus con- 
sidered the measures thus taken for founding these 
colonies, without his participation or knowledge, an 
infringement of what had been granted and con- 
firmed to his father and his heirs.f 

Ojeda's lieutenant, Juan de la Cosa, embarked with 
about two hundred men in a ship and two brigantines ; 
Nicuesa went with a greater force in four large ves- 
sels and two brigantines. He met Ojeda at Saint 
Domingo. Each claimed the province of Darien to 
be within his jurisdiction ; the dispute as to this ended 
in an agreement that the river Darien should be the 
boundary line between them. Another ground of 
contention arose, from the island of Jamaica being 
given to the two governors in common, as a place 
fi-om which to draw supphes of provisions. Diego 
Columbus settled the dispute as to this. Under his 
orders a brave officer, Juan de Esquibel, who had be- 
fore subjugated the province of Higuey, took posses- 
sion of Jamaica, and held it subject to his command. | 

It was on the 10th of November 1509, that Alonzo 
de Ojeda sailed from San Domingo. His force was 

* Irving's Columbus, p. 216, 17. 

t Voyages of Companions of Columbus, p. 54 to 58. Irving's Columbus, p. 217. 
t Id. p. 54 to 64. Irving's Columbus, vol. 2, p. 213 to 218. 



CHAP, xviii] ojeda's religious formula. 173 

now increased. Among the remarkable adventurers 
who embarked with him, was Francisco Pizarro, af- 
terwards renowned as the conqueror of Peru. Her- 
nando Cortez intended also to sail in the expedition, 
but was prevented by an inflammation in one of his 
knees. The voyagers arrived late in the autumn in 
the harbour of Carthagena. By way of prelude to 
an attack on the natives, Alonzo de Ojeda advancing 
towards them, caused the following curious formula, 
composed by learned divines in Spain, to be read 
aloud by the friars in his train ; it was subsequently 
adopted by the Spanish discoverers in general, in their 
invasions of the Indian countries :* 

"I, Alonzo de Ojeda, servant of the high and mighty 
kings of Castile and Leon, civilizers of barbarous nations, 
their messenger and captain, notify and make known to 
you, in the best way I can, that God our Lord, one and 
eternal, created the heavens and the earth, and one man 
and one woman, from whom you, and we, and all the peo- 
ple of the earth were and are descendants, procreated, and 
all those who shall come after us ; but the vast number of 
generations which have proceeded from them, in the course 
of more than five thousand years that have elapsed since 
the creation of the world, made it necessary that some of 
the human race should disperse in one direction, and some 
in another, and that they should divide themselves into 
many kingdoms and provinces, as they could not sustain 
and preserve themselves in one alone. All these people 
were given in charge, by God our Lord, to one person, 
named Saint Peter, who was thus made lord and superior 
of all the people of the earth, and head of the whole hu- 
man lineage, whom all should obey, wherever they might 

* Voyages of Companions of Columbus, p. 65 to 67. 



174 ojeda's religious formula. [book I. 

live, and whatever might be their law, sect or belief; he 
gave him also the whole world for his service and jurisdic- 
tion, and though he desired that he should establish his 
chair in Rome, as a place most convenient for governing 
the world, yet he permitted that he might establish his chair 
in any other part of the world, and judge and govern all 
the Nations, Christians, Moors, Jews, Gentiles, and what- 
ever other sect or belief might be. This person was deno- 
minated Pope, that is to say, admirable, supreme, father and 
guardian, because he is father and governor of all mankind. 
This holy father was obeyed and honoured as lord, king, 
and superior of the Universe, by those who lived in his 
time, and, in like manner, have been obeyed and honoured 
all those who have been elected to the Pontificate ; and 
thus it has continued unto the present day, and will con- 
tinue until the end of the world. 

" One of these pontiffs, of whom I have spoken as lord 
of the world, made a donation of these islands and conti- 
nents, of the ocean, sea, and all that they contain, to the 
Catholic kings of Castile, who at that time were Ferdi- 
nand and Isabella, of glorious memory, and to their suc- 
cessors, our sovereigns, according to the tenor of certain pa- 
pers drawn up for the purpose, (which you may see if you 
desire.) Thus his majesty is king and sovereign of these 
islands and continents, by virtue of the said donation ; and 
as king and sovereign, certain islands, and almost all to 
whom this has been notified, have received his majesty, and 
have obeyed and served, and do actually serve him. And. 
moreover, like good subjects, and with good will and with- 
out any resistance or delay, the moment they were informed 
of the foregoing, they obeyed all the religious men sent 
among them to preach and teach our Holy Faith ; and these 
of their free and cheerful will, without any condition or re- 
ward, became Christians, and continue so to be. And his 
majesty received them kindly and benignantly, and ordered 



CHAP. XVIII.] ojeda's religious formula. 175 

that they should be treated like his other subjects and vas- 
sals : you also, are required and obliged to do the same. 
Therefore, in the best manner I can, I pray and entreat 
you, that you consider well what I have said, and that you 
take whatever time is reasonable to understand and delibe- 
rate upon it, and that you recognise the church for sove- 
reign and superior of the universal world, and the supreme 
pontiff, called Pope, in her name, and his majesty in his 
place, as superior and sovereign king of the islands and 
Terra Firma, by virtue of the said donation ,* and that you 
consent that these religious fathers declare and preach to 
you the foregoing ; and if you shall so do, you will do 
well, and will do that to which you are bounden and 
obliged ; and his majesty, and I in his name, will receive 
you with all due love and charity, and will leave you, your 
wives and children, free from servitude, that you may freely 
do with these and with yourselves whatever you please 
and think proper, as have done the inhabitants of the other 
islands. And besides this, his majesty will give you many 
privileges and exemptions, and grant you many favours. 
If you do not do this, or wickedly and intentionally delay 
to do so, 1 certify to you, that, by the aid of God, I will 
powerfully invade and make war upon you in all parts and 
modes that I can, and will subdue you to the yoke and 
obedience of the church and of his majesty : and I will 
take your wives and children and make slaves of them, and 
sell them as such, and dispose of them as his majesty may 
command ; and I will take your effects and will do you all 
the harm and injury in my power, as vassals who will not 
obey or receive their sovereign, and who resist and oppose 
him. And I protest that the deaths and disasters which 
may in this manner be occasioned, will be the fault of your- 
selves and not of his majesty, nor of me, nor of these ca- 
valiers who accompany me. And of what I here tell you 



176 ADVENTURES OF OJEDA. [book I. 

and require of yon, I call upon the notary here present to 
give me his signed testimonial."* 

Thus, with the aid of the priesthood, was a broad 
foundation laid, on which to perpetrate cruelty and 
oppression in the name of that religion whose proper 
attributes are benevolence and mercy. Violence was 
soon commenced after this wicked attempt to sanctify 
it. Some of the natives were killed in the field ; 
some in a cabin (which Ojeda had set fire to,) pe- 
rished in the flames ; and others were made captive 
and sent to the ships. The Spaniards now having no 
fear of an attack, roved in quest of booty. While 
thus scattered, other Indians rushed upon them.f 

" Ojeda on the first alarm collected a few soldiers and 
ensconced himself within a small enclosure, surrounded by 
palisades. Here he was closely besieged and galled by 
flights of arrows. He threw himself on his knees, covered 
himself with his buckler, and, being small and active, ma- 
naged to protect himself from the deadly shower, but all 
his companions were slain by his side, some of them perish- 
ing in frightful agonies. At this fearful moment the vete- 
ran La Cosa, having heard of the peril of his commander, 
arrived, with a few followers, to his assistance. Stationing 
himself at the gate of the palisades, the brave Biscayan 
kept the savages at bay until most of his men were slain 
and he himself was severely wounded. Just then Ojeda 
sprang forth like a tiger into the midst of the enemy, deal- 
ing his blows on every side. La Cosa would have seconded 
him, but was crippled by his wounds. He took refuge with 
the remnant of his men in an Indian cabin ; the straw roof 
of which he aided them to throw ofl', lest the enemy should 

* Voyages of Companions of Columbus, p. 347. t Id. p. 68, 9. 



CHAP. XVIII.] ADVENTURES OF OJEDA. 177 

set it on fire. Here he defended himself until all his com- 
rades but one were destroyed. The subtle poison of his 
wounds at length overpowered him, and he sank to the 
ground. Feeling death at hand, he called to his only sur- 
viving companion. ' Brother,' said he, ' since God hath 
protected thee from harm, sally forth and fly, and if ever 
thou shouldst see Alonzo de Ojeda, tell him of my fate !' "* 

Thus fell the hardy Juan de la Cosa, faithful and 
devoted to the last. He was acknowledged by his 
contemporaries to be one of the ablest of those gal- 
lant Spanish navigators who first explored the way to 
the new world. Days elapsed without those on board 
hearing any thing from the party who had gone with 
Ojeda. At length, some of the Spaniards, in an 
entangled and almost impervious grove caught a 
ghmpse of a man in Spanish attire. They entered, 
and to their astonishment found it to be Ojeda. He 
was lying on the matted roots of the mangrove trees, 
his buckler on his shoulder and his sword in his hand, 
but so wasted with hunger and fatigue that he could 
not speak. They bore him to the firm land ; made 
a fire on the shore to warm him, for he was chilled 
with the damp and cold of his hiding place ; and 
when he was a little revived they gave him food and 
wine. In this way, he gradually recovered strength 
to tell his doleful story. He had succeeded in cutting 
his way through the host of savages and attaining the 
woody skirts of the mountains, but when he found 
himself alone, and that the seventy brave men who 
had gone with him were all cut oflf, he was almost in 

* Voyages of Companions of Columbus, p. 69, 70. 

23 



178 ADVENTURES OF OJEDA. [BOOK I. 

despair. He scarce knew which way to bend his 
course, but continued on in the darkness of the night 
and of the forest. When the day broke, he sought 
the rudest parts of the mountains and hid himself 
until night; then struggling forward among rocks 
and precipices and matted forests, he made his way 
to the sea side but was too much exhausted to reach 
the ships. It seemed wonderful that one, so small of 
frame, should have been able to endure such great 
hardships ; but he was of admirable strength and har- 
dihood. His buckler, it is said, bore the dints of up- 
wards of three hundred arrows ; yet he had received 
no wound.* 

While the Spaniards were yet on shore, administer- 
ing to the recovery of their commander, they saw a 
squadron approaching; it was Nicuesa's. The two 
governors soon met ; four hundred of their men and 
several horses were quickly landed ; and they set off 
for the village of the Indians. Great was the car- 
nage, for no quarter was shewn to age or sex. Many 
Indians perished from the flames in their burning ha- 
bitations, and many by the sword. Having sacked 
the village and collected great spoil, the two governors 
parted with many expressions of friendship. Nicuesa 
continued his voyage for the coast of Veragua, and 
Ojeda, giving up all thoughts of colonizing this dis- 
astrous part of the coast, steered for the gulf of 
Uraba. He fixed his capital on a height at the east 
side of the gulf and gave to it the name of San Se- 
bastian. Conflicts soon took place with the natives. 

* Voyages of Companions of Columbus, p. 70 to 74. 



CHAP. XVIII.] ADVENTURES OF OJEDA. 179 

In one of them Ojeda lost blood in battle, for the first 
time in his life ; an arrow, supposed to be poisoned, 
having pierced his thigh. A remedy suggested itself 
which [ew but him could have had the courage to 
try. He caused two plates of iron to be made red 
hot and ordered a surgeon to apply them to each ori- 
fice of the wound. The surgeon shuddered and re- 
fused, saying he would not be the murderer of his 
general. Upon this, Ojeda vowed he would hang 
him unless he obeyed. To avoid the gallows, the 
surgeon apphed the glowing plates. It is said that 
Ojeda refused to be tied down or let any one hold 
him during the operation, yet endured it without 
shrinking or uttering a murmur, though his whole 
system was so inflamed that a barrel of vinegar was 
exhausted, steeping sheets in which to wrap him to 
allay the burning heat. He recovered ; whether ow- 
ing to his desperate remedy, or whether because the 
arrow was nit poisoned, must remain uncertain.* 

♦Voyages of Companions of Columbus, p. 74 to 82. 



180 ADVENTURES OF OJEDA. [BOOK I. 



CHAPTER XIX. 

Of the voyage of Alonzo do Ojeda in 1509 from the isthmus of Darieu 
for Hispaniola ; his landing on Cuba, and his hardships then on his 
journey by land ; the little oratory which he built ; his course then 
by Jamaica to San Domingo, and his death there. 

The pressing wants of the colony caused Ojeda to 
start himself for San Domingo in quest of reinforce- 
ments and supplies. It was agreed that his men 
should remain quietly at St. Sebastian for fifty days. 
If in that time, no tidings were received of him, they 
were to be at liberty to abandon the settlement and 
return in the brigantines to Hispaniola. Francisco 
Pizarro was left in command as lieutenant. The go- 
vernor embarked in a pirate vessel whlrein Bernar- 
dino de Talavera had come from and was going to 
return to Hispaniola. Ojeda had scarce put to sea 
when a quarrel arose between him and Talavera. 
The former assumed command and the latter resisted 
it as usurpation. Ojeda, as usual, would have settled 
the question by the sword, but he had the whole va- 
gabond crew against him who overpowered him and 
threw him in irons. He offered to fight the whole of 
them successively provided they would give him a 
clear deck and come on two at a time, but they had 
heard too much of his exploits to accept this chal- 
lenge ; so they kept him raging in his chains while 
they pursued their voyage. On the way, however, a 



CHAP. XIX.] ADVENTURES OF OJEDA, 181 

violent storm arose ; in the hour of peril, a truce was 
made with Ojeda for the common safety. His irons 
were taken off on condition that he would act as pi- 
lot during the remainder of the voyage. But the 
vessel had been already swept so far to the westward 
that his skill was ineffectual in endeavouring to work 
up to Hispaniola against storms and adverse currents. 
The shattered bark was almost in a foundering con- 
dition when it was run ashore on the southern coast 
of Cuba.* 

This was before the subjugation and settlement of 
Cuba in 1510. Then Diego Columbus congratulated 
King Ferdinand on having acquired this large and 
beautiful island without losing a single man.f Now it 
was a place of refuge to the unhappy natives of Hayti. 
Ojeda to avoid being attacked took a route away from 
the populous parts of the island. The sufferings of him 
and his companions were so great that after some 
time, out of seventy men who set out from the ship 
but thirty-five remained. This number was still fur- 
ther reduced. Ojeda with a few of the lightest and 
most vigorous, struggled forward through the mo- 
rasses and at length arrived to where the land was 
firm and dry. They soon descried a foot path, and 
following it arrived at an Indian village. J 

" The Indians gathered round and gazed at them with 
wonder; but when they learnt their story, they exhibited 
a humanity that would have done honour to the most pro- 
fessing Christians. They bore them to their dwellings, set 

* Voyages of Companions of Columbus, p. 82 to 89. 
tirving's Columbus, vol. 2. p. 218, Appendix No. 2. 
t Voyages of Companions of Columbus, p. 89 to 93. 



182 ADVENTURES OF OJEDA. [book i. 

meat and drink before them, and vied with each other in 
discharging the offices of the kindest humanity. Finding 
that a number of their companions were still in the morass, 
the cacique sent a large party of Indians with provisions 
for their relief, with orders to bring on their shoulders such 
as were too feeble to walk."* 

Ojeda had with him a little Flemish painting of the 
Madona, which had been given him by Bishop Fon- 
seca. At a moment of great despondency, when he 
was in a morass that seemed interminable, he made a 
solemn vow to his patroness that if she conducted 
him alive through this peril, he would erect a chapel 
in the first Indian village he should arrive at, and 
leave her picture there, to remain an object of adora- 
tion to the Gentiles.f 

''Being recovered from his sufferings, Alonzo de Ojeda 
prepared to perform his vow concerning the picture of the 
Virgin, though sorely must it have grieved him to part 
with a relique to which he attributed his deliverance from 
so many perils. He built a little hermitage or oratory in 
the village, and furnished it with an altar, above which he 
placed the picture. He then summoned the benevolent 
cacique, and explained to him, as well as his limited know- 
ledge of the language, or the aid of interpreters would per- 
mit, the main points of the Catholic faith, and especially 
the history of the Virgin, whom he represented as the mo- 
ther of the Deity that reigned in the skies, and the great 
advocate for mortal man. 

" The worthy cacique listened to him with mute atten- 
tion, and though he might not clearly comprehend the doc- 
trine, yet he conceived a profound veneration for the pic- 

* Voyages of Companions of Columbus, p. 93. t Id. p. 91, 2. 



CHAP. XIX.] ADVENTURES OF OJEDA. 183 

ture. The sentiment was shared by his subjects. They 
kept the little oratory always swept clean, and decorated it 
with cotton hangings, laboured by their own hands, and 
with various votive offerings. They composed couplets or 
areytos in honour of the Virgin, which they sang to the ac- 
companiment of rude musical instruments, dancing to the 
sound under the groves which surrounded the hermitage. 

" A further anecdote concerning this relique may not 
be unacceptable. The venerable Las Casas, who records 
these facts, informs us that he arrived at the village of 
Cuebas sometime after the departure of Ojeda. He found 
the oratory preserved with the most religious care, as a sa- 
cred place, and the picture of the Virgin regarded with 
fond adoration. The poor Indians crowded to attend mass, 
which he performed at the altar ; they listened attentively 
to his paternal instructions, and at his request brought their 
children to be baptized. The good Las Casas having 
heard much of this famous relique of Ojeda, was desirous 
of obtaining possession of it, and offered to give the ca- 
cique in exchange, an image of the Virgin which he had 
brought with him. The chieftain made an evasive an- 
swer, and seemed much troubled in mind. The next 
morning he did not make his appearance. 

" Las Casas went to the oratory to perform mass, but 
found the altar stripped of its precious relique. On inqui- 
ring, he learnt that in the night the cacique had fled to the 
woods, bearing off with him his beloved picture of the Vir- 
gin. It was in vain that Las Casas sent messengers after 
him, assuring him that he should not be deprived of the re- 
lique, but, on the contrary, that the image should likewise 
be presented to him. The cacique refused to venture 
from the fastnesses of the forest, nor did he return to his 
village and replace the picture in the oratory until after the 
departure of the Spaniards."*! 

* Las Casas, Hist. Ind. c. 61, MS Herrera, Hist. Ind. d. i. 1. is,, c. xv. 

t Voyages of Companions of Columbus, p. 94, 5. 



184 DEATH OF OJEDA. [book i. 

When the Spaniards were restored to health and 
strength, they resumed their journey : the cacique 
sent a large body of his subjects to carry their provi- 
sions and knapsacks, and to guide them across a de- 
sert tract of country to the province of Macaca, situ- 
ated at Cape de la Cruz, the nearest point to Jamaica. 
Here Ojeda learnt that there were Spaniards settled 
on that island, being in fact the party commanded 
by Juan de Esquibel already mentioned. A message 
being conveyed to Esquibel, he quickly dispatched a 
vessel to bring to him Ojeda and his companions. 
Ojeda remained several days in EsquibePs house, and 
then sailed for San Domingo ; Talavera and his rab- 
ble adherents remaining behind. They were arrested 
by orders of Diego Columbus ; and Talavera and se- 
veral of his accomplices were hanged for their piracy. 
Ojeda lingered some time at San Domingo and died 
poor. He entreated that his body might be buried 
in the monastery of San Francisco, just at the portal, 
in expiation of his pride, " that every one who entered 
might tread upon his grave."* 

* Voyages of Companions of Columbus, p. 96 to 102. 



CHAP. SX.] DIEGO DE NICUESA. 185 



CHAPTER XX. 

Of the proceedings of Diego de Nicuesa, the Bachelor Martin Fernan- 
dez de Enciso, Vasco Nunez de Balboa and Francisco Pizarro in 
1509, 1510 and 1511 ; the settlement of the three last at Darien; the 
conduct of the people of Darien to Nicuesa; his hardships and 
death. 

Diego de Nicuesa was not without his misfortunes. 
Having parted from Ojeda at Carthagena, he em- 
barked in a caravel that he might reconnoitre the 
coast, and after a boisterous night, could not see the 
rest of the squadron. The caravel went to pieces on 
an island. He still had a boat ; but one night four 
mariners and the boat disappeared. The sufferings 
of Nicuesa and his men were extreme. Day after 
day, and week after week elapsed without any miti- 
gation of suffering or any prospect of relief. At 
length a sail gleamed on the horizon. It was one of 
two brigantines that had belonged to his squadron, 
and among the crew were the four sailors who had 
so mysteriously disappeared ; they had left Nicuesa in 
the night to go in quest of the vessel : the other three 
ships had been broken to pieces at the river Belen, 
and a caravel built out of the fragments. Thither 
Nicuesa now went in the brigantine to join the rest 
of the men. Of seven hundred who had sailed with 
him from San Domingo, four hundred had already 
perished ; and others were dying of famine. Nicuesa 
determined to abandon this place. Leaving behind, 
24 



186 VASCO NUNEZ DE BALBOA. [book I. 

under the command of Alonzo Nunez, some of the 
men to await the ripening of maize and vegetables 
which they had sown, he embarked the rest in the 
two brigantines and the caravel and sailed eastward. 
He anchored at Porto Bello, but being assailed by 
the Indians, continued seven leagues further to the 
harbour to which Columbus had given the name of 
Puerto de Bastimientos or Port of Provisions ; Ni- 
cuesa's followers called it Nombre de Dios. Nicuesa 
began immediately to erect a fortress, and when he 
could spare men for the purpose, dispatched the cara- 
vel for those left at the river Belen. Many of them 
had perished. On mustering all his forces, when thus 
united, Nicuesa found that but one hundred remained ; 
and they were emaciated and dejected.* 

At the time that Alonzo de Ojeda departed with his 
armament from Hispaniola, it was agreed by him with 
the bachelor Martin Fernandez de Enciso, a lawyer 
of some ability, that the bachelor should follow him 
with reinforcements and supplies, and become alcalde 
mayor or chief judge. A man contrived to get in 
Enciso's vessel in a peculiar way.f 

" His name was Vasco Nunez de Balboa, He was a na- 
tive of Xeres de los Caballeros, and of a noble though im- 
poverished family. He had been brought up in the service 
of Don Pedro Puerto Carrero, Lord of Moguer, and he af- 
terwards enlisted among the adventurers who accompanied 
Rodrigo de Bastides in his voyage of discovery. Peter 
Martyr, in his Latin decades, speaks of him by the appella- 
tion of ' egregius digladiator,' which has been interpreted 
by some as a skilful swordsman, by others as an adroit fen- 

* Voyages of Companions of Columbus, p. 103 to 117. f Id. p. 118. 



CHAP. XX.] THE BACHELOR ENCISO. 187 

cing master. He intimates, also, that he was a mere soldier 
of fortune, of loose, prodigal habits, and the circumstances 
under which he is first introduced to us, justify this cha- 
racter. He had fixed himself for a time in Hispaniola, and 
undertaken to cultivate a farm at the town of Salvatierra, 
on the sea coast, but in a little time had completely in- 
volved himself in debt. The expedition of Enciso pre- 
sented him with an opportunity of escaping from his em- 
barrassments, and of indiilghig his adventurous habits. To 
elude the vigilance of his creditors and of the armed escort, 
he concealed himself in a cask, which was conveyed from 
his farm on the sea coast, on board of the vessel, as if con- 
taining provisions for the voyage. When the vessel was 
fairly out at sea, and abandoned by the escort, Vasco Nu- 
nez emerged, like an apparition, from his cask, to the great 
surprise of Enciso, who had been totally ignorant of the 
stratagem. The bachelor was indignant at being thus out- 
witted, even though he gained a recruit by the deception ; 
and, in the first ebullition of his wrath, gave the fugitive 
debtor a very rough reception, threatening to put him on 
shore on the first uninhabited island they should encounter. 
Vasco Nunez, however, succeeded in pacifying him, ' for 
God,' says the venerable Las Casas, ' reserved him for 
greater things.' It is probable the bachelor beheld in him 
a man well fitted for his expedition, for Vasco Nunez was 
in the prime and vigour of his days, tall and muscular, sea- 
soned to hardships, and of intrepid spirit. 

" Arriving at the main land, they touched at the fatal 
harbour of Carthagena, the scene of the sanguinary con- 
flicts of Ojeda and Nicuesa, with the natives, and of the 
death of the brave Juan de la Cosa. Enciso was ignorant 
of those events, having had no tidings from those adventu- 
rers since their departure from San Domingo ; without any 
hesitation, therefore, he landed a number of his men to re- 
pair his boat, which was damaged, and to procure water. 



188 CONDUCT OF THE NATIVES. [book I. 

While the men were working upon the boat, a multitude of 
Indians gathered at a distance, well armed, and with me- 
nacing aspect, sounding their shells and brandishing their 
weapgns. The experience they had had of the tremen- 
dous powers of the strangers, however, rendered them cau- 
tious of attacking, and for three days they hovered in this 
manner about the Spaniards, the latter being obliged to 
keep continually on the alert. At length two of the Spa- 
niards ventured one day from the main body to fill a water 
cask from the adjacent river. Scarcely had they reached 
the margin of the stream, when eleven savages sprang from 
the thickets and surrounded them, bending their bows and 
pointing their arrows. In this way they stood for a mo- 
ment or two in fearful suspense, the Indians refraining 
from discharging their shafts, but keeping them constantly 
pointed at their breasts. One of the Spaniards attempted 
to escape to his comrades, who were repairing the boat, but 
the other called him back, and, understanding something of 
the Indian tongue, addressed a few amicable words to the 
savages. The latter, astonished at being spoken to in their 
own language, now relaxed a little from their fierceness, 
and demanded of the strangers who they were, who were 
their leaders, and what they sought upon their shores. 
The Spaniard replied that they were harmless people, who 
came from other lands, and merely touched there through 
necessity, and he wondered that they should meet them 
with such hostility ; he at the same time warned them to 
beware, as there would come many of his countrymen well 
armed, and would wreak terrible vengeance upon them for 
any mischief they might do. While they were thus par- 
leying, the Bachelor Enciso, hearing that two of his men 
were surrounded by the savages, sallied instantly from his 
ship, and hastened with an armed force to their rescue. 
As he approached, however, the Spaniard who had held the 
parley, made him a signal that the natives were pacific. In 



CHAP. XX.] CONDUCT OF THE NATIVES. 189 

fact, the latter had supposed that this was a new invasion 
of Ojeda and Nicuesa, and had thus arrayed themselves, if 
not to take vengeance for past outrages, at least to defend 
their houses from a second desolation. When they were 
convinced, however, that these were a totally different band 
of strangers and without hostile intentions, their animosity 
was at an end ; they threw by their weapons, and came 
forward with the most confiding frankness. During the 
whole time that the Spaniards remained there, they treated 
them with the greatest friendship, supplying them with 
bread made from maize, with salted fish, and with the fer- 
mented and spirituous beverages, common along that coast. 
Such was the magnanimous conduct of men who were 
considered among the most ferocious and warlike of these 
savage nations ; and who, but recently, had beheld their 
shores invaded, their villages ravaged and burnt, and their 
friends and relations butchered, without regard to age or 
sex, by the countrymen of these very strangers. When 
we recall the bloody and indiscriminate vengeance wreaked 
upon this people by Ojeda and his followers, for their jus- 
tifiable resistance of invasion, and compare it with their 
placable and considerate spirit when an opportunity for re- 
venge presented itself, we confess we feel a momentary 
doubt whether the arbitrary appellation of savage is always 
applied to the right party. 

" Not long after the arrival of Enciso at this eventful 
harbour, he was surprised by the circumstance of a brigan- 
tine entering and coming to anchor. To encounter an 
European sail in these almost unknown seas, was always a 
singular and striking occurrence, but the astonishment of 
the bachelor was mingled with alarm when, on boarding 
the brigantine, he found that it was manned by a number 
of the men who had embarked with Ojeda. His first idea 
was, that they had mutinied against their commander, and 
deserted with the vessel. The feelings of the magistrate 



190 FRANCISCO PIZARRO. [BOOK 1. 

were aroused within him by the suspicion, and he deter- 
mined to take his first step as Alcalde Mayor, by seizing 
them and inflicting on them the severity of the law. He 
altered his tone, however, on conversing with their resolute 
commander. This was no other than Francisco Pizarro, 
whom Ojeda had left as his locum tenens at San Sebastian, 
and who shewed the bachelor his letter patent, signed by 
that unfortunate governor. In fact, the little brigantine 
contained the sad remnant of the once vaunted colony. 
After the departure of Ojeda in the pirate ship, his follow- 
ers, whom he had left behind under the command of Pi- 
zarro, continued in the fortress until the stipulated term of 
fifty days had expired. Receiving no succour, and hearing 
no tidings of Ojeda, they then determined to embark and 
sail for Hispaniola; but here an unthought-of difficulty 
presented itself, they were seventy in number, and the two 
brigantines which had been left with them were incapable 
of taking so many. They came to the forlorn agreement, 
therefore, to remain until famine, sickness, and the poisoned 
arrows of the Indians should reduce their number to the 
capacity of the brigantines. A brief space of time was suf- 
ficient for the purpose. They then prepared for the voy- 
age. Four mares, which had been kept alive as terrors to 
the Indians, were killed and salted for sea-stores. Then 
taking whatever other articles of provision remained, they 
embarked and made sail. One brigantine was commanded 
by Pizarro, the other by one Valenzuela."* 

They had not proceeded far, when, in a storm, a 
sea struck the crazy vessel of Valenzuela with such 
violence as to cause it to founder with all its crew. 
The brigantine which remained, then made the best 
of its way to the harbour of Carthagena, to seek pro- 
visions.f 

•* Voyages of Companions of Columbus, p. 118 to 124. t Id. 124, 5. 



CHAP. XX.] THE BACHELOR ENCISO. 191 

The Bachelor Enciso was told that about twenty- 
five leagues to the west lay a province called Zenu, 
the mountains of which abounded with gold, and in 
this province was a place of sepulture where the In- 
dians were buried with their most precious orna- 
ments. 

"It apppeared to him a matter of course, therefore, that 
there must be an immense accumulation of riches in the 
Indian tombs, from the golden ornaments that had been 
buried with the dead through a long series of generations. 
Fired with the thought, he determined to make a foray 
into this province, and to sack the sepulchres ! Neither did 
he feel any compunction at the idea of plundering the 
dead, considering the deceased as pagans and infidels, who 
had forfeited even the sanctuary of the grave, by having 
been buried according to the rites and ceremonies of their 
idolatrous religion. 

" Enciso, accordingly, made sale from Carthagena, and 
landed with his forces on the coast of Zenu. Here he was 
promptly opposed by two caciques, at the head of a large 
band of warriors. The bachelor, though he had thus put 
on the soldier, retained sufficient of the spirit of his former 
calling not to enter into a quarrel without taking care to 
have the law on his side ; he proceeded regularly, there- 
fore, according to the legal form recently enjoined by the 
crown. He caused to be read and interpreted to the ca- 
ciques, the same formula used by Ojeda, expounding the 
nature of the Deity, the supremacy of the Pope, and the 
right of the Catholic sovereigns to all these lands, by vir- 
tue of a grant from his Holiness. The caciques listened to 
the whole very attentively and without interruption, ac- 
cording to the laws of Indian courtesy. They then replied 
that, as to the assertion that there was but one God, the 
sovereign of heaven and earth, it seemed to them good, and 



193 THE BACHELOR ENCISO. [book i. 

that such must be the case ; but as to the doctrine that the 
Pope was regent of the world in place of God, and that he 
had made a grant of their country to the Spanish king, 
they observed that the Pope must have been drunk to give 
away what was not his, and the king must have been some- 
what mad to ask at his hands what belonged to others. 
They added, that they were lords of those lands, and 
needed no other sovereign, and if this king should come 
to take possession, they would cut off his head and put it 
on a pole ; that being their mode of dealing with their ene- 
mies. As an illustration of this custom, they pointed out 
to Enciso the very uncomfortable spectacle of a row of 
grisly heads impaled in the neighbourhood. 

"Nothing daunted either by the reply or the illustration, 
the bachelor menaced them with war and slavery as the 
consequences of their refusal to believe and submit. They 
replied by threatening to put his head upon a pole as a 
representative of his sovereign. The bachelor having fur- 
nished them with the law, now proceeded to the commen- 
tary. He attacked the Indians, routed them, and took one 
of the caciques prisoner, but in the skirmish two of his 
men were slightly wounded with poisoned arrows, and died 
raving with torment.* 

" It does not appear, however, that his crusade against 
the sepulchres, was attended with any lucrative advantage." 

The Bachelor Enciso contented himself with his 
victory, and returning to his ships, prepared to con- 



*The above anecdote is related by the parecia y que asi debia ser : pero que en lo 
Bachelor Enciso himself, in a geographical que dezia que el papa era senor de todo el 
work, entitled Suma dc Oeographia, which universo en lugar de dios y que el avia fe- 
he published in Seville in 1519. As the cho merced de aquella tierra al rey de Gas- 
reply of the poor savages contains some- tilla; dixeron que el papa debiera estar bo- 
thing of natural logic, we give a part of it racho qaando lo hizo, pues daba lo que no 
as reported by the bachelor: " Eespondie- era suyo, y que el rey que pedia y tomava 
ron me : que en lo que dezia que no avia tal merced debia ser algun loco pues pedia 
sino un dios y que este governaba el cielo lo que era de otros," &lc. 
y la tierra y que era seuor de todo que les 



CHAP. XX.] THE BACHELOR ENCISO. 193 

tinue his voyage to San Sebastian. The crew of 
the brigantine of Pizarro had great objection to re- 
turning thither. But it was well for Enciso that they 
accompanied him. For on entering the harbour, his 
vessel struck on a rock and was rent to pieces ; and 
his crew escaped with great difficulty to the brigan- 
tine. On landing, he found the fortress and its adja- 
cent houses mere heaps of ruins, having been de- 
stroyed with fire by the Indians. Enciso was dis- 
heartened at the situation of things, and took counsel 
from Vasco Nuiiez, who offered to guide him to a 
village which he had seen when he sailed with Bas- 
tides, on the banks of a river called by the natives 
Darien. Here attacking the natives and putting them 
to flight, he took possession of their village and es- 
tablished his seat of government in it ; giving to it 
the name of Santa Maria de la Antigua del Darien. 
Both he and his followers were greatly elated by their 
victory and their booty. But discontent soon arose ; 
and Vasco Nunez took advantage of it. He sought 
to make a party against the bachelor and to unseat 
him from his command. He attacked him in his 
own way, with legal weapons. The boundary line, 
he observed|j which separated the jurisdictions of 
Ojeda and Nicuesa ran through the centre of the 
gulf of Uraba. The village of Darien lay on the 
western side which had been allotted to Nicuesa. 
Enciso, therefore, as alcalde mayor, and lieutenant of 
Ojeda, could have no jurisdiction here ; his assumed 
authority was a sheer usurpation. The Spaniards, al- 
ready incensed at some fiscal regulations of Enciso, 
were easily convinced ; so, with one accord, they re- 
fused allegiance to him, and the unfortunate bachelor 
25 



194 VASCO NUNEZ DE BALBOA. [BOOK I. 

found the chair of authority, to which he had so 
fondly aspired, suddenly wrested from under him. 
The people appointed Vasco Nuiiez and one Zemu- 
dio as alcaldes, together with a cavalier, of some me- 
rit, of the name of Valdivia, as regidor. The alter- 
cations, however, did not cease. In the height of 
them two ships were seen standing across the gulf. 
They proved to be an armament commanded by one 
Rodrigo de Colmenares, and were in search of Ni- 
cuesa with supplies. He represented the right of 
Nicuesa to the command of all that part of the coast, 
and the people generally agreed that two persons 
should go with Rodrigo as ambassadors, to invite Ni- 
cuesa to come and assume the government of Darien.* 
Proceeding along the coast to the westward, Rod- 
rigo discovered, one day, a brigantine at a small island, 
and making up to it, found it had been sent out by 
Nicuesa to forage for provisions. By this vessel he 
was piloted to the port of Nombre de Dios. He 
found Nicuesa in the most abject misery ; himself 
squalid and dejected ; and of his men but sixty re- 
maining ; and they so feeble, yellow, emaciated and 
woe begone, that it was piteous to behold them. 
When Nicuesa heard of the settlemeQt at Darien, 
and the mission thence to him, he was greatly revived. 
Unluckily, in conversing with the envoys he began to 
disclose the kind of policy with which he intended to 
rule ; and when they went back, the report they made 
was not at all satisfactory. Other information soon 
afterwards received concerning Nicuesa, gave addi- 
tional dissatisfaction to the people of Darien. Vasco 
Nunez told them the obvious remedy was not to re- 

* Voyages of Companions of Columbus, p. 129 to 138. 



CHAP. XX.] SUFFERINGS OF NICUESA. 195 

ceive Nicuesa when he came ; and this was deter- 
mined on. So when Nicuesa approached the shore, 
instead of being received with honour, a pubhc func- 
tionary warned him not to disembark. That day, 
they would not allow him to land ; next day he was 
invited to land, but when he set foot on shore, the 
multitude rushed to seize him. Vasco Nunez had 
not anticipated such popular fury, and endeavoured 
to allay the tempest he had raised. Through his me- 
diation, Nicuesa now held a parley with the populace. 
He begged that if they would not acknowledge him 
as governor, they would, at least, admit him as a com- 
panion. This they refused, saying that if they admit- 
ted him in one capacity, it would end in his attaining 
the other. He then implored that if he could be ad- 
mitted on no other terms, they would treat him as a 
prisoner and put him in irons, for he would rather die 
among them than return to Nombre de Dios. Even 
this was not granted. He was compelled by menaces 
of death, to swear that he would immediately depart, 
and make no delay in any place until he had pre- 
sented himself before the king and council in Cas- 
tile ; and there was allotted to him the worst vessel 
in the harbour, an old crazy brigantine totally unfit 
to encounter the perils of the sea. Seventeen fol- 
lowers embarked with him ; some being of his house- 
hold and attached to his person ; the rest were volun- 
teers, who accompanied him out of respect and sym- 
pathy. The frail bark set sail on the 1st of March 
1511, and steered across the Caribbean sea for the 
island of Hispaniola, but was never seen or heard of 
more.* 

* Voyages of Corapanions of Columbus, p. 138 to 146. 



196 RETURN OF ENCISO TO SPAIN IN 1511. [BOOK I. 



CHAPTER XXI. 

Of the return of the Bachelor Enciso to Spain in 1511 ; the attack of 
Vasco Nuiiez upon Careta, the cacique of Coyba ; the peace made 
between them, by Vasco Nuiiez taking as a wife a young and beau- 
tiful daughter of Careta ; the invasion by Nuiiez of the territories of 
Ponca, an adversary of Careta ; his friendly visit to Comagre ; the 
skill and solidity of the architecture of Comagre's village ; and the 
information received from the son of Comagre, of a great sea and 
opulent country beyond the mountains. 

The question now was, who should have the rule. 
The Bachelor Enciso insisted upon his claims as pa- 
ramount : but he who was to have been a judge upon 
the bench, now became a culprit at the bar. Vasco 
Nunez had him tried for usurping the powers of Al- 
calde Mayor on the mere appointment of Alonzo de 
Ojeda, whose jurisdiction did not extend to this pro- 
vince. On this charge he was convicted and thrown 
into prison, and all his property was confiscated. His 
friends, however, interceded warmly in his behalf, and 
at length obtained his release from confinement and 
permission for him to return to Spain. In the small 
vessel in which he went, Vasco Nunez prevailed on 
his fellow Alcalde Zamudio and the Regidor Valdivia 
to embark also ; the former to return to Spain to 
make the best report he could ; the latter to Hispa- 
niola, to obtain provisions and recruits, and make a 
present to the treasurer of that island, (who had cre- 
dit with the king and extensive powers,) and crave 



CHAP. XXI.] CONDUCT TO THE NATIVES. 197 

his protection in the new world and his influence at 
court.* 

Vasco Nunez sent Pizarro with six men, to explore 
a province about thirty leagues distant, called Coyba, 
in which expedition there was a conflict with the na- 
tives. He also dispatched two brigantines for such 
of the followers of Nicuesa as remained at Nombre 
de Dios : they rejoiced at being brought to Darien. 
In coasting the shores, the brigantines picked up two 
Spaniards, who, to escape some punishment, had fled 
from the ship of Nicuesa about a year and a half be- 
fore, and had taken refuge with Careta, the cacique 
of Coyba. By him they had been treated with hos- 
pitable kindness, and their first return for it, now that 
they were safe among their countrymen, was to ad- 
vise the latter to invade the cacique in his dwelling, 
where they assured them immense booty would be 
found. One of them proceeded to Darien to serve 
as a guide to any such expedition ; the other returned 
to the cacique, to assist in betraying him. After Nu- 
nez had been received by the cacique with hospita- 
lity, he made a pretended departure for Darien with 
his troops ; and in the dead of night, when the In- 
dians were asleep, led his men into the village, and 
made captives of Careta, his wives and children, and 
many of his people. He discovered, also, a hoard of 
provisions, with which he loaded two brigantines. 
And then he returned with his booty and his captives 
to Darien. t 

"When the unfortunate cacique beheld his family in 
chains, and in the hands of strangers, his heart was wrung 

* Voyages of Companions of Columbus, p. 138 to 150. f Id. p. 151 to 153. 



198 VOYAGE OF VASCO NUNEZ. [book I. 

with despair : ' What have I done to thee,' said he to Vasco 
Nunez, 'that thou shouldst treat me thus cruelly? None of 
thy people ever came to my land that were not fed, and 
sheltered, and treated with loving kindness. When thou 
camest to my dwelling, did I meet thee with a javelin in 
my hand ? Did I not set meat and drink before thee, and 
welcome thee as a brother ? Set me free, therefore, with 
my family and people, and we will remain thy friends. 
We will supply thee with provisions, and reveal to thee the 
riches of the land. Dost thou doubt my faith ? Behold 
my daughter, I give her to thee as a pledge of friendship. 
Take her for thy wife, and be assured of the fidelity of her 
family and her people !' " * 

The maid was young and beautiful ; and Nunez 
felt the importance of a strong alliance with the na- 
tives. He granted the father's prayer and accepted 
the daughter. She remained with Nunez, and was 
his wife, according to the usages of her country ; he 
treated her with fondness, and she gradually acquired 
great influence over him.f 

Nunez had promised the cacique to aid him against 
his enemies, on condition of his furnishing provisions 
to the colony. Taking with him eighty men, and his 
companion in arms Rodrigo Enriquez de Colmenares, 
he repaired by sea to Coyba. Here landing, he in- 
vaded the territories of Ponca, the great adversary of 
Careta, and obliged him to take refuge in the moun- 
tains. He then ravaged his lands and sacked his vil- 
lages, in which he found considerable booty. Re- 
turning to Coyba, he next made a friendly visit to the 
adjacent province of Comagre, which was under a 

* Voyages of Companions of Columbus, p. 153, 4. f Id. p. 154,5. 



CHAP. XXI.] ARCHITECTURE OF COMAGRE. 199 

cacique with three thousand fighting men. His dwel- 
hng surpassed any they had yet seen for magnitude 
and for the skill and solidity of the architecture. It 
was one hundred and fifty paces in length and eighty 
in breadth, founded upon great logs, surrounded with 
a stone wall ; while the upper part was of wood w^ork, 
curiously interwoven and wrought with great beauty. 
It contained many commodious apartments. In a re- 
tired part of it was a great hall, wherein Comagre 
preserved the bodies of his relatives. These had 
been dried by the fire, so as to free them from cor- 
ruption, and afterwards wrapped in mantles of cotton, 
richly wrought and interwoven with pearls and jewels 
of gold, and with certain stones held precious by the 
natives. They were then hung about the hall with 
cords of cotton, and regarded with great reverence, 
if not a species of religious devotion. A son of the 
cacique gave to Nunez and Colmenares four thousand 
ounces of gold, wrought into various ornaments, to- 
gether with sixty slaves, being captives that he had 
taken in the wars. Nunez ordered one fifth of the 
gold to be set apart for the crown, and the rest to be 
shared among his followers. When the Spaniards 
were weighing it out, a quarrel arose among them as 
to the size and value of the pieces which fell to their 
respective shares. The Indian who had made the 
gift, then spoke to them in this manner :* 

"'Why should you quarrel for such a trifle? If this 
gold is indeed so precious in your eyes, that for it alone 
you abandon your homes, invade the peaceful lands of 

* Voyages of Companions of Columbus, p. 156 to 158. 



200 SEA BEYOND THE MOUNTAINS. [book I. 

Others, and expose yourselves to such sufferings and perils, 
I will tell you of a region where you may gratify your 
wishes to the utmost. Behold those lofty mountains,' con- 
tinued he, pointing to the south. ' Beyond these lies a 
mighty sea, which may be discerned from their summit. 
It is navigated by people who have vessels almost as large 
as yours, and furnished, like them, with sails and oars. All 
the streams which flow down the southern side of those 
mountains into that sea, abound in gold ; and the kings 
who reign upon its borders eat and drink out of golden ves- 
sels. Gold, in fact, is as plentiful and common among 
those people of the south, as iron is among you Spaniards.' 

" Struck with this intelligence, Vasco Nuiiez inquired 
eagerly as to the means of penetrating to this sea and to 
the opulent regions on its shores. ' The task,' replied the 
prince, ' is difficult and dangerous. You must pass through 
the territories of many powerful caciques, who will oppose 
you with hosts of warriors. Some parts of the mountains 
are infested by fierce and cruel cannibals, a wandering, law- 
less race : but, above all, you will have to encounter the 
great cacique Tubanama, whose territories are at the dis- 
tance of six days journey, and more rich in gold than any 
other province ; this cacique will be sure to come forth 
against you with a mighty force. To accomplish your en- 
terprise, therefore, will require at least a thousand men, 
armed like those who follow you.' 

" The youthful cacique gave him further information on 
the subject, collected from various captives whom he had 
taken in battle, and from one of his own nation, who had 
been for a long time in captivity to Tubanama, the power- 
ful cacique of the golden realm. The prince, moreover, 
offered to prove the sincerity of his words by accompany- 
ing Vasco Nunez in any expedition to those parts, at the 
head of his father's warriors. 



CHAP. XXI.] SEA BEYOND THE MOUNTAINS. 201 

" Such was the first intimation received by Vasco Nunez 
of the Pacific Ocean and its golden realms, and it had an 
immediate effect upon his whole character and conduct. 
This hitherto wandering and desperate man had now an 
enterprise opened to his ambition, which, if accomplished, 
would elevate him to fame and fortune, and entitle him to 
rank among the great captains and discoverers of the earth. 
Henceforth the discovery of the sea beyond the mountains 
was the great object of his thoughts, and his whole spirit 
seemed roused and ennobled by the idea. 

" He hastened his return to Darien, to make the neces- 
sary preparations for this splendid enterprise. Before de- 
parting from the province of Comagre he baptized that ca- 
cique by the name of Don Carlos, and performed the same 
ceremony upon his sons and several of his subjects. Thus 
singularly did avarice and religion go hand in hand in the 
conduct of the Spanish discoverers. 

"Scarcely had Vasco Nunez returned to Darien, when 
the Regidor Valdivia arrived there from Hispaniola, but 
with no more provisions than could be brought in his small 
caravel. These were soon consumed, and the general scar- 
city continued. It was heightened also by a violent tem- 
pest of thunder, lightning and rain, which brought such tor- 
rents from the mountains that the river swelled and over- 
flowed its banks, laying waste all the adjacent fields that 
had been cultivated. In this extremity Vasco Nunez dis- 
patched Valdivia a second time to Hispaniola for provisions. 
Animated also by the loftier views of his present ambition, 
he wrote to Don Diego Columbus, who governed at San 
Domingo, informing him of the intelligence he had re- 
ceived of a great sea and opulent realms beyond the moun- 
tains, and entreating him to use his influence with the king 
that one thousand men might be immediately furnished 
him for the prosecution of so grand a discovery. He sent 
him also the amount of fifteen thousand crowns in gold, to 
26 



202 SEA BEYOND THE MOUNTAINS. [book i. 

be remitted to the king as the royal fifths of what had 
already been collected under his jurisdiction. Many of his 
followers, also, forwarded sums of gold, to be remitted to 
their creditors in Spain. In the meantime, Vasco Nuiiez 
prayed the admiral to yield him prompt succour to enable 
him to keep his footing in the land, representing the diffi- 
culty he had in maintaining, with a mere handful of men, 
so vast a country in a state of subjection."* 

* Voyages of Companions of Columbus, p. 158 to 160. 



CHAP. XXii.j CABOT PILOT OF SPAIN IN 1512. 203 



CHAPTER XXir. 

Of the death of Americus Vespucius in 1512, and the appomtment of 
Sebastian Cabot as his successor : Bartholomew Columbus sent this 
year from Spain with instructions to his nephew the admiral. 

Americus Vespucius retained the office of chief 
pilot of Spain until his death on the 22d of February 
1512. His widow Maria Corezo was then allowed a 
pension of ten thousand maravedis.* Vespucius was 
succeeded by Juan Diaz de Solis as chief pilot, and 
Sebastian Cabot succeeded hini.f 

There is not a concurrence in opinion as to the 
precise time at which Sebastian Cabot went from 
England to Spain. " We are told by Peter Martyr, 
(Decade iii. chap vi.) that Cabot being called out 
of England, by the King of Castile, after the death 
of Henry the Seventh, was made one of the council 
and assistants touching the affairs of the Indias."t 
The death of Henry the Seventh occurred in 1509. 
That Cabot did not leave England till after this event 
is also the opinion of Mr. Biddle, who proceeds to 
say that " Herrera, the writer of the highest authority 
on these subjects — historiographer of the King of 
Spain, and enjoying familiar access to every docu- 
ment, stated more than two centuries ago that Cabot 



* Irving's Columbus, vol. 2, p. 252, Appendix Xo. 10. Life of Vespucius, p. 256 to 264 ; 
also p. 395 to 397. 
t Life of Vespucius, p. 397. 



204 BARTHOLOMEW COLUMBUS. [BOOK I. 

received his appointment from the King of Spain 
on the 13th of September 1512, and even furnished 
the particulars of the negotiation."* 

The king judged it expedient in 1512 to send out 
Don Bartholomew Columbus with minute instructions 
to his nephew the admiral.f 

" Don Bartholomew still retained the office of Adelantado 
of the Indias ; although Ferdinand, through selfish motives, 
detained him in Spain while he employed inferior men in 
voyages of discovery. He now added to his appointments 
the property and government of the little island of Mona 
during life, and assigned him a repartimiento of two hun- 
dred Indians, with the superintendence of the mines which 
might be discovered in Cuba ; an office which proved very 
lucrative. J 

"Among the instructions given by the king to Don 
Diego, he directed that, in consequence of the representa- 
tions of the Dominican friars, the labour of the natives 
should be reduced one third ; that negro slaves should be 
procured from Guinea as a relief to the Indians ;<§. and that 
Carib slaves should be branded on the leg, to prevent other 
Indians from being confounded with them and subjected to 
harsh treatment. "||1[ 

* Memoir of Cabot, p. 97. Hakluyl's § Henera, Hist. Ind. d. 1, 1. 9, c. 5. 

Voyages, vol. 3, p. 9. || Idem. 

t Irving's Columbus, vol. 2, p. 218, Ap- IT Irving's Columbus, vol. 2, p. 219, Ap- 
pendix No. 2. pendix No. 2. 

t Charlevoix, Hist. St. Domingo, p. 321. 



CHAP. SXIII.] JUAN PONCE DE LEON, 205 



CHAPTER XXIII. 

Of the discovery of Florida in 1512, by Juan Ponce de Leon, 

After Juan Ponce d»Leon resigned the command 
of Porto Rico, he was still for a while on the island. 
Mr. Irving gives the following account of him at this 
period.* 

" He met with some old Indians who gave him tidings 
of a country which promised, not merely to satisfy the cra- 
vings of his ambition, but to realize the fondest dreams of 
the poets. They assured him that, far to the north there 
existed a land abounding in gold and in all manner of de- 
lights ; but, above all, possessing a river of such wonderful 
virtue, that whoever bathed in it would be restored to 
youth ! They added, that in times past, before the arrival 
of the Spaniards, a large party of the natives of Cuba had 
departed northward in search of this happy land and this 
river of life, and, having never returned, it was concluded 
that they were flourishing in renovated youth, detained by 
the pleasures of that enchanting country. 

" Here was the dream of the Alchymist realized ! one 
had but to find this gifted land and revel in the enjoyment 
of boundless riches and perennial youth! Nay, some of the 
ancient Indians declared that it was not necessary to go so 
far in quest of these rejuvenating waters, for that, in a cer- 
tain island of the Bahama group, called Bimini, which lay 

* Voyages of Companions of Columbus, p. 312 to 318. 



206 JUAN PONCE DE LEON. [book i. 

far out in the ocean, there was a fountain possessing the 
same marvellous and inestimable qualities. 

"Juan Ponce de Leon listened to these tales with fond 
credulity. He was advancing in life, and the ordinary 
term of existence seemed insufficient for his mighty plans. 
Could he but plunge into this marvellous fountain or gifted 
river, and come out with his battered, war-worn body re- 
stored to the strength and freshness and suppleness of 
youth, and his head still retaining the wisdom and know- 
ledge of age, what enterprises rnight he not accomplish in 
the additional course of vigorous years insured to him ! 

" It may seem incredible, at the present day, that a man 
of years and experience could yield any faith to a story 
which resembles the wild fiction of an Arabian tale ; but 
the wonders and novelties breaking upon the world in that 
age of discovery, almost realized the illusions of fable, and 
the imaginations of the vSpanish voyagers had become so 
heated that they were capable of any stretch of credulity. 

" So fully persuaded was the worthy old cavalier of the 
existence of the region described to him, that he fitted out 
three ships at his own expense, to prosecute the discovery, 
nor had he any difficulty in finding adventurers in abun- 
dance, ready to cruise with him in quest of this fairy- 
land.* 



*It was not the credulous minds of voy- some diet, maketh olde men young again, 

agers and adventurers alone tliat were And here I must make protestation to your 

heated by these Indian traditions and ro- holiness not to think this to be said lightly 

niantic fables. Men of learning and emi- or rashly, for they have so spread this ru- 

nence were likewise beguiled by them: -nour for a truth throughout all the court, 

witness the following extract from the se- that not only all the people, but also many 

cond decade of Peter Martyr, addressed to of them whom wisdom or fortune hath di- 

Leo X., then Bishop of Rome : vided from the common sort, think it to be 

" Among the islands on the north side of true; but, if you will ask my opinion 

Hispaniola, there is one about three hun- herein, I will answer that I will not attri- 

dred and twenty-five leagues distant, as bute so great power to nature, but that 

they say which have searched the same, in God hath no lesse reserved this prerogative 

the which is a continual spring of running to himself than to search the hearts of 

water, of such marvellous virtue, that the men," &;c. — P. Martyr, D. 2, c. 10, Lok's 

water thereof being drunk, perhaps with Translation. 



CHAP. XXIII.] DISCOVERY OF FLORIDA IN 1512. 207 

"It was on the 3d of March 1512, that Juan Ponce 
sailed with his three ships from the port of St. Germain, in 
the island of Porto Rico. He kept for some distance along 
the coast of Hispaniola, and then stretching away to the 
northward, made for the Bahama islands, and soon fell in 
with the first of the group. He was favoured with propi- 
tious weather and tranquil seas, and glided smoothly with 
wind and current along that verdant archipelago, visiting 
one island after another, until, on the 14th of the month, 
he arrived at Guanahani, or St. Salvador's, where Christo- 
pher Columbus had first put his foot on the shores of the 
new world. His inquiries for the island of Bimini were all 
in vain, and as to the fountain of youth, he may have 
drank of every fountain, and river, and lake, in the archi- 
pelago, even to the salt pools of Turk's island, without be- 
ing a whit the younger. 

" Still he was not discouraged ; but, having repaired his 
ships, he again put to sea, and shaped his course to the 
northwest. On Sunday, the 27th of March, he came in 
sight of what he supposed to be an island, but was pre- 
vented from landing by adverse weather. He continued 
hovering about it for several days, buffeted by the elements, 
until, in the night of the 2d of April, he succeeded in 
coming to anchor under the land, in thirty degrees eight 
minutes of latitude. The whole country was in the fresh 
bloom of spring ; the trees were gay with blossoms, and 
the fields covered with flowers ; from which circumstance, 
as well as from having discovered it on Palm Sunday, (Pas- 
cua Florida,) he gave it the name of Florida, which it re- 
tains to the present day. The Indian name of the country 
was Cautio.* 

" Juan Ponce landed, and took possession of the country 
in the name of the Castilian sovereigns. He afterwards 
continued for several weeks ranging the coasts of this flow- 

*Herrera, Hist. Ind., d. ], ]. is., c. 10. 



208 DISCOVERY OF FLORIDA IN 1512. [book i. 

ery land, and struggling against the gulf-stream and the va- 
rious currents which sweep it. He doubled Cape Canave- 
ral, and reconnoitered the southern and eastern shores, with- 
out suspecting that this was a part of Terra Firma. In all 
his attempts to explore the country, he met with resolute 
and implacable hostility on the part of the natives, who ap- 
peared to be a fierce and warlike race. He was disap- 
pointed also, in his hopes of finding gold, nor did any of 
the rivers or fountains which he examined, possess the re- 
juvenating virtue. Convinced, therefore, that this was not 
the promised land of Indian tradition, he turned his prow 
homeward on the 14th of June, with the intention in the 
way of making one more attempt to find the island of 
Bimini. 

"In the outset of his return, he discovered a group of 
islets abounding with sea-fowl and marine animals. On 
one of them, his sailors, in the course of a single night, 
caught one hundred and seventy turtles, and might have 
taken many more, had they been so inclined. They like- 
wise took fourteen sea-wolves, and killed a vast quantity of 
pelicans and other birds. To this group Juan Ponce gave 
the name of the Tortugas, or Turtles, which they still 
retain. 

" Proceeding in his cruise, he touched at another group 
of islets, near the Lucayos, to which he gave the name of 
La Vieja, or the Old Woman group, because he found no 
inhabitant there but one old Indian woman.* This ancient 
sybil he took on board his ship, to give him information 
about the labyrinth of islands into which he was entering, 
and perhaps he could not have had a more suitable guide 
in the eccentric quest he was making. Notwithstanding 
her pilotage, however, he was exceedingly baffled and per- 
plexed in his return voyage among the Bahama islands, for 
he was forcing his way, as it were, against the course of 

* Herrera, d. 1, 1. is. 



CHAP. XXIU.J DISCOVERY OF FLORIDA IN 1512. 209 

nature, and encountering the currents which sweep west- 
ward along these islands, and the trade-wind which accom- 
panies them. For a long time he struggled with all kinds 
of difficulties and dangers ; and was obliged to remain up- 
wards of a month in one of the islands, to repair the da- 
mages which his ship had suffered in a storm. 

" Disheartened at length by the perils and trials with 
which nature seemed to have beset the approach to Bimini, 
as to some fairy island in romance, he gave up the quest in 
person, and sent in his place a trusty captain, Juan Perez de 
Ortubia, who departed in one of the other ships, guided by 
the experienced old woman of the isles, and by another 
Indian. As to Juan Ponce, he made the best of his way 
back to Porto Rico, where he arrived infinitely poorer in 
purse and wrinkled in brow, by this cruise after inexhaus- 
tible riches and perpetual youth. 

" He had not been long in port when his trusty envoy, 
Juan Perez, likewise arrived. Guided by the sage old wo- 
man, he had succeeded in finding the long-sought-for Bi- 
mini. He described it as being large, verdant, and covered 
with beautiful groves. There were crystal springs and 
limpid streams in abundance, which kept the island in per- 
petual verdure, but none that could restore to an old man 
the vernal greenness of his youth. 

" Thus ended the romantic expedition of Juan Ponce de 
Leon. Like many other pursuits of a chimera, it termi- 
nated in the acquisition of a substantial good. Though he 
had failed in finding the fairy fountain of youth, he had 
discovered in place of it the important country of Florida."* 

* The belief of the existence, in Floiida, says, that even in his days, many persisted 

of a river like that sought by Juan Ponce, in seeking this mystery, and some thought 

was long prevalent among the Indians of that the river was no other than that called 

Cuba, and the caciques were anxious to the Jordan, at the point of St. Helena; 

discover it. That a party of the natives of without considering that the name was 

Cuba once went in search of it, and re- given to it by the Spaniards in the year 

mained there, appears to be a fact, as their 1520, when they discovered the land of 

descendants were afterwards to be traced Chicora. 
among the people of Florida. Las Casas 

27 



210 EXPEDITIONS OF VASCO NUNEZ IN 1512. [book i. 



CHAPTER XXIV. 

Of several expeditions of Vasco Nunez in 1512; the conspiracy this 
year by the natives and the defeat of their plan ; the absence of news 
from Valdivia who had been sent on a mission to Hispaniola ; the 
stranding of Valdivia and his crew on the coast of Yucatan ; the 
sending of commissioners from Darien to Spain; and the arrival at 
Darien of ships from Hispaniola with supplies. 

While Vasco Nunez was waiting the result of the 
second mission of Valdivia to Hispaniola, he em- 
barked with one hundred and seventy of his hardiest 
men in two brigantines and a number of canoes, and, 
after standing about nine leagues to the east, came 
to the mouth of the Kio Grande de San Juan, or the 
great river of St. John, also called the Atrato, since 
ascertained to be one of the branches of the Darien. 
He detached Rodrigo Enriquez de Colmenares with 
one third of his forces to explore the stream, while 
he himself, with the residue, proceeded to and as- 
cended another branch. He reached an Indian vil- 
lage in the province of Dobayba, but it was silent 
and abandoned. Here, however, he gathered jewels 
and pieces of gold to the value of seven thousand 
castellanos, and putting this booty in two large ca- 
noes made his way back to the gulf of Uraba. There, 
in a violent tempest, these two canoes were swallowed 
up by the sea and all their crews perished. The two 
brigantines were also nearly wrecked : it became ne- 
cessary, to save them, to throw a great part of their 



CHAP. XXIV ] CONSPIRACY BY THE NATIVES. 211 

cargoes overboard. Yet Nunez at length succeeded 
in getting into what was termed the Grand river and 
rejoined Colmenares. They now ascended a stream 
which emptied into this river, and which, from the 
dark hue of its waters, they called Rio Negro, or the 
Black river. They also explored certain other tribu- 
tary streams, branching from it, though not without 
occasional skirmishes with the natives. Having over- 
run a considerable extent of country, Nunez returned 
to Darien with the spoils and captives he had taken, 
leaving Bartolome Hurtado with thirty men in an In- 
dian river on the Rio Negro or Black river, to hold 
the country in subjection. This lieutenant hunting 
the stragghng natives picked up twenty-four captives 
whom he put on board of a large canoe to be transpor- 
ted to Darien. Twenty of his followers, infirm from 
wounds or disease, embarking also in the canoe, Hur- 
tado had only ten men left with him. The ark being 
waylaidj some of the Spaniards were massacred and 
others drowned : only two escaped to carry news 
of this catastrophe to Hurtado, who heard also of a 
plan for an attack on Darien. Thither he hastened 
with the remnant of his men. But his intelligence 
of a conspiracy among the natives was little heeded.* 



" Fortunately for the Spaniards, among the female cap- 
tives owned by Vasco Nunez was an Indian damsel named 
Fiilvia; to whom, in consequence of her beauty, he had 
shown great favour, and who had become strongly attached 
to him. She had a brother among the warriors of Zemaco, 
who often visited her in secret. In one of his visits, he in- 
formed her that on a certain night the settlement would be 

* Voyages of Companions of Columbus, p. 161 to 168. 



212 CONSPIRACY BY THE NATIVES. [book I. 

attacked and every Spaniard destroyed. He charged her, 
therefore, to hide herself that night in a certain place until 
he should come to her aid, lest she should be slain in the 
confusion of the massacre. 

" When her brother was gone, a violent struggle took 
place in the bosom of the Indian girl between her feeling 
for her family and her people, and her affection for Vasco 
Nunez. The latter at length prevailed, and she revealed 
all that had been told to her. Vasco Nunez prevailed upon 
her to send for her brother under pretence of aiding her to 
escape. Having him in his power, he extorted from him 
all that he knew of the designs of the enemy. His con- 
fessions showed what imminent danger had been lurking 
round Yasco Nunez in his most unsuspecting moments. 
The prisoner informed him that he had been one of forty 
Indians sent some time before by the cacique Zemaco to 
Vasco Nunez, in seeming friendship, to be employed by 
him in cultivating the fields adjacent to the settlement. 
They had secret -orders, however, to take an opportunity 
when Vasco Nunez should come forth to inspect their work, 
to set upon him in an unguarded moment, and destroy him. 
Fortunately, Vasco Nunez always visited the fields mounted 
on his war horse, and armed with lance and target. The 
Indians were therefore so awed by his martial appearance, 
and by the terrible animal he bestrode, that they dared not 
attack him. 

" Foiled in this and other attempts of the kind, Zemaco 
resorted to the conspiracy with the neighbouring caciques 
with which the settlement was menaced. 

'• Five caciques had joined in the confederacy : they had 
prepared a hundred canoes ; had amassed provisions for an 
army, and had concerted to assemble five thousand picked 
warriors at a certain time and place ; with these they were 
to make an attack on the settlement by land and water, in 
the middle of the night, and to slaughter every Spaniard. 



CHAP. XXIV.] VALDIVIA STRANDED ON YUCATAN COAST. 213 

"Having learnt where the confederate chiefs were to be 
found, and where they had deposited their provisions, Vasco 
Nunez chose seventy of his best men well armed, and made 
a circuit by land, while Colmenares, with sixty men, sallied 
forth secretly in four canoes, guided by the Indian prisoner. 
In this way they surprised the general of the Indian army 
and several of the principal confederates, and got posses- 
sion of all their provisions, though they failed to capture 
the formidable Zemaco. The Indian general was shot to 
death with arrows, and the leaders of the conspiracy were 
hanged in presence of their captive followers. The defeat 
of this deep laid plan, and the punishment of its devisers, 
spread terror thoughout the neighbouring provinces, and 
prevented any further attempt at hostilities. Vasco Nunez, 
however, caused a strong fortress of wood to be immedi- 
ately erected, to guard against any future assaults of the 
savages."* 

A considerable time had now elapsed since the de- 
parture of Valdivia for Hispaniola, without any tidings 
of him. Encountering a violent hurricane when in 
sight of Jamaica, he had been driven on the rocks 
called the Vipers, since instrumental in many a ship- 
wreck. His vessel soon went to pieces, and Valdivia 
and his crew, consisting of twenty men, escaped with 
difficulty in the boat, without having a supply either 
of water or provisions. They were driven about for 
thirteen days, during which time they suffered exces- 
sively from hunger and thirst. Seven of their num- 
ber perished, and the rest were nearly famished when 
they were stranded on the eastern coast of Yucatan, 
in a province called Maya. Here they were carried 

* Voyages of Companions of Columbus, p. 168 to 170. 



214 GONZALO GUERRERO. [BOOK I. 

off by the natives to the cacique of the province, by 
whose orders they were mewed up in a kind of pen.* 

" At first their situation appeared tolerable enough con- 
sidering the horrors from which they had escaped. They 
were closely confined, it is true, but they had plenty to eat 
and drink, and soon began to recover flesh and vigour. In 
a little while, however, their enjoyment of this good cheer 
met with a sudden check, for the unfortunate Valdivia, and 
four of his companions, were singled out by the cacique, 
on account of their improved condition, to be off'ered up to 
his idols. The natives of this coast in fact were cannibals, 
devouring the flesh of their enemies and of such strangers 
as fell into their hands. The wretched Valdivia and his 
fellow victims, therefore, were sacrificed in the bloody tem- 
ple of the idol, and their limbs afterwards served up at a 
grand feast held by the cacique and his subjects. 

'' The horror of the survivors may be more readily ima- 
gined than described. Their hearts died within them when 
they heard the yells and bowlings of the savages over their 
victims, and the still more horrible revelry of their cannibal 
orgies. They turned with loathing from the food set so 
abundantly before them, at the idea that it was but intended 
to fatten them for a future banquet. 

"Recovering from the first stupor of alarm, their despair 
lent them additional force. They succeeded in breaking, 
in the night, from the kind of cage in which they were 
confined, and fled to the depths of the forest. Here they 
wandered about forlorn, exposed to all the dangers and mi- 
series of the wilderness; famishing with hunger, yet dread- 
ing to approach the haunts of men. At length their suffer- 
ings drove them forth from the woods into another part of 
the country, where they were again taken captive. The 
cacique of this province, however, was an enemy to the one 

* Voyages of Companions of Columbus, p. 171, 277, 8. 



CHAP. XXIV.] JERONIMO DE AGUILAR. 215 

from whom they had escaped, and of less cruel propensities. 
He spared their lives, and contented himself with making 
them slaves, exacting from them the severest labour. They 
had to cut and draw wood, to procure water from a distance, 
and to carry enormous burthens. The cacique died soon 
after their capture, and was succeeded by another called 
Taxmar. He was a chief of some talent and sagacity, but 
he continued the same rigorous treatment of the captives. 
By degrees they sank beneath the hardships of their lot, 
until only two were left ; one of them a sturdy sailor named 
Gonzalo Guerrero, the other a kind of clerical adventurer 
named Jeronimo de Aguilar. The sailor had the good luck 
to be transferred to the service of the cacique of the neigh- 
bouring province of Chatemal, by whom he was treated 
with kindness. Being a thorough son of the ocean, sea- 
soned to all weathers, and ready for any chance or change, 
he soon accommodated himself to his new situation, fol- 
lowed the cacique to the wars, rose by his hardihood and 
prowess to be a distinguished warrior, and succeeded in 
gaining the heart and hand of an Indian princess. 

" The other survivor, Jeronimo de Aguilar, was of a dif- 
ferent complexion. He was a native of Ecija, in Andalu- 
sia, and had been brought up to the church, and regularly 
ordained, and shortly afterwards had sailed in one of the 
expeditions to San Domingo, from whence he had passed 
to Darien. 

" He proceeded in a different mode from that adopted by 
his comrade, the sailor, in his dealings with the Indians, 
and in one more suited to his opposite calling. Instead of 
playing the hero among the men, and the gallant among 
the women, he recollected his priestly obligations to humi- 
lity and chastity. Accordingly, he made himself a model 
of meekness and obedience to the cacique and his warriors, 
while he closed his eyes to the charms of the infidel wo- 
men. Nay, in the latter respect, he reinforced his clerical 



216 JERONIMO DE AGUILAR. [book I. 

VOWS, by a solemn promise to God, to resist all temptations 
of the flesh, so he might be delivered out of the hands of 
these Gentiles. 

" Such were the opposite measures of the sailor and the 
saint, and they appear to have been equally successful. 
Aguilar, by his meek obedience to every order, however 
arbitrary and capricious, gradually won the good will of 
the cacique and his family. Taxmar, however, subjected 
him to many trials before he admitted him to his entire 
confidence. One day when the Indians, painted and deco- 
rated in warlike style, were shooting at a mark, a warrior, 
who had for some time fixed his eyes on Aguilar, ap- 
proached suddenly and seized him by the arm. ' Thou 
seest,' said he, ' the certainty of these archers ; if they aim 
at the eye, they hit the eye — if at the mouth, they hit the 
mouth — what wouldst thou think, if thou wert to be placed 
instead of the mark, and they were to shoot at and miss 
thee ?' 

" Aguilar secretly trembled, lest he should be the victim 
of some cruel caprice of the kind. Dissembling his fears, 
however, he replied with great submission, 'I am your 
slave, and you may do with .me as you please ; but you are 
too wise to destroy a slave who is so useful and obedient.' 
His answer pleased the cacique, who had secretly sent this 
warrior to try his humility. 

" Another trial of the worthy Jeronimo was less stern 
and fearful indeed, but equally perplexing. The cacique 
had remarked his unexampled discretion with respect to 
the sex, but doubted his sincerity. After laying many 
petty temptations in his way, which Jeronimo resisted with 
the self-denial of a saint, he at length determined to sub- 
ject him to a fiery ordeal. He accordingly sent him on a 
fishing expedition, accompanied by a buxom damsel of 
fourteen years of age : they were to pass the night by the 
sea-side, so as to be ready to fish at the first dawn of day. 



CHAP. XXIV.] JERONIMO DE AGUILAR. 217 

and were allowed but one hammock to sleep in. It was an 
embarrassing predicament — not apparently to the Indian 
beauty, but certainly to the scrupulous Jeronimo. He re- 
membered, however, his double vow, and, suspending his 
hammock to two trees, resigned it to his companion ; while, 
lighting a fire on the sea shore, he stretched himself before 
it on the sand. It was, as he acknowledged, a night of 
fearful trial, for his sandy couch was cold and cheerless, the 
hammock warm and tempting ; and the infidel damsel had 
been instructed to assail him with all manner of blandish- 
ments and reproaches. His resolution, however, though 
often shaken, was never overcome ; and the morning 
dawned upon him still faithful to his vow. 

" The fishing over, he returned to the residence of the 
cacique, v/here his companion, being closely questioned, 
made known the triumph of his self-denial before all the 
people. From that time forward he was held in great re- 
spect ; the cacique, especially, treated him with unlimited 
confidence, entrusting to him the care, not merely of his 
house, but of his wives, during his occasional absence. 

" Aguilar now felt ambitious of rising to greater conse- 
quence among the savages, but this he knew was only to 
be done by deeds of arms. He had the example of the 
sturdy seaman, Gonzalo Guerrero, before his eyes, who had 
become a great captain in the province in which he resided. 
He entreated Taxmar, therefore, to entrust him with bow 
and arrows, buckler and war club, and to enrol him among 
his warriors. The cacique complied. Aguilar soon made 
himself expert at his new weapons, signalized himself re- 
peatedly in battle, and, from his superior knowledge of the 
arts of war, rendered Taxmar such essential service, as to 
excite the jealousy of some of the neighbouring caciques. 
One of them remonstrated with Taxmar for employing a 
warrior who was of a different religion, and insisted that 
Aguilar should be sacrificed to their gods. ' No,' replied 
28 



218 COMMISSIONERS TO SPAIN. [^00^ '• 

Taxmar, ' I will not make so base a return for such signal 
services : surely the gods of Aguilar must be good, since 
they aid him so effectually in maintaining a just cause.' 

" The cacique was so incensed at this reply, that he as- 
sembled his warriors and marched to make war upon Tax- 
mar. Many of the counsellors of the latter urged him to 
give up the stranger, who was the cause of this hostility. 
Taxmar, however, rejected their counsel with disdain, and 
prepared for battle. Aguilar assured him that his faith in 
the Christian's God would be rewarded with victory ; he, 
in fact, concerted a plan of battle, which was adopted. 
Concealing himself, with a chosen band of warriors, among 
thickets and herbage, he suffered the enemy to pass by in 
making their attack. Taxmar and his host pretended to 
give way at the first onset. The foe rushed heedlessly in 
pursuit ; whereupon Aguilar and his ambuscade assaulted 
them in the rear. Taxmar turned upon them in front ; 
they were thrown in confusion, routed with great slaugh- 
ter, and many of their chiefs taken prisoners. This victory 
gave Taxmar the sway over the land, and strengthened 
Aguilar more than ever in his good graces."* 

In the absence of any tidings at Darien, from 
either Valdivia or Zamudio, it was determined to send 
thence two commissioners to Spain, to communicate 
what had been heard of the Southern sea, to ask for 
the troops necessary for its discovery, and to make all 
necessary representations to the king, accompanied 
by a native of the province of Zenu, where gold was 
said to be gathered in nets stretched across the moun- 
tain streams. To give more weight to such stories, 
every one contributed some portion of gold from his 
private hoard, to be presented to the king, in addi- 

* Voyages of Companions of Columbus, p. 278 to 283. 



CHAP. XXIV.] COMMISSIONERS TO SPAIN. 219 

tion to his fifths. But Httle time elapsed after the de- 
parture of the commissioners, before dissensions broke- 
out in the colony. It is impossible to say how they 
would have ended, had not two ships arrived at this 
juncture from Hispaniola, freighted with suppHes and 
bringing a reinforcement of one hundred and fifty 
men. They also brought a commission to Vasco Nu- 
nez, signed by Miguel de Pasamonte, the royal trea- 
surer of Hispaniola, constituting him captain-general 
of the colony.* 

* Voyages of Corapaiiions of Columbus, p. 171 to 175. 



220 JOURNEY OF NUNEZ ACROSS DARIEN. [book 1. 



CHAPTER XXV. 

Of the journey by Vasco Nunez across the isthmus of Darien, and his 
discovery of the Pacific Ocean on the 26th of September 1513. 

Soon unfavourable tidings were received from 
Spain. Word was written by Zamudio that the Ba- 
chelor Enciso had obtained a sentence in his favour 
against Nuiiez for damages and costs, and that Nu- 
nez would be summoned to Spain to answer charges 
against him on account of the harsh treatment and 
probable death of Nicuesa. This information was, 
however, in a private letter ; no order had yet been 
received from the king, and Nunez had still control 
over the colony. One brilhant achievement might 
atone for the past and fix him in the favour of the 
monarch. He chose from his men, one hundred and 
ninety of the most resolute and vigorous, and the 
most devoted to his person, and took with him a 
number of blood-hounds. The famous warrior dog 
of Juan Ponce was killed by a poisoned arrow as he 
was swimming in the sea in pursuit of a Carib Indian. 
He left, however, a numerous progeny and a great 
name behind him.* He was father to Leoncico, a 
constant companion, and, as it were, body guard of 
Vasco Nuiiez. Leoncico was scarred all over with 
wounds received in innumerable battles with the In- 
dians. Nunez always took him on his expeditions, 

* See ante, p. 169, and Voyages of Companions of Columbus, p. 308. 



CHAP. XXV. ] JOURNEY OF NUNEZ ACROSS DARIEN. 221 

and sometimes lent him to others, receiving for his 
services the same share of booty allotted to an armed 
man. In this way, he gained by him upwards of a 
thousand crowns. Nuiiez had the aid also of a num- 
ber of the Indians of Darien.* 

It was on the first of September 1513, that Vasco 
Nunez embarked with these followers in a brigantine 
and nine large canoes. He soon arrived at Coyba 
where he was received by the cacique Careta with 
open arms, and furnished with guides and warriors to 
aid him. About half of his men he left at Coyba to 
guard the brigantine and canoes while he penetrated 
the wilderness with the residue. On the 6th of Sep- 
tember he struck ofl^ for the mountains, and on the 
8th he arrived at the village of Ponca, the ancient 
enemy of Careta. This village was abandoned, but 
while the Spaniards remained in it, the retreat of 
Ponca was discovered, and he was prevailed upon to 
come to Nunez. This cacique assured Nunez of the 
truth of what had been told him of a great sea be- 
yond the mountains, and gave him several ornaments 
ingeniously wrought of fine gold which had been 
brought from the countries upon its borders. Nunez 
procured fresh guides from the cacique and sent back 
such of his men as had become ill from fatigue and 
the heat of the climate. On the 20th of September 
he again set forward.! 

" So toilsome was the journey, that in four days they 
did not advance above ten leagues, and in the mean time 
they suffered excessively from hunger. At the end of this 

* Voyages of Companions of Columbus, p. 176 to 178. f Id. p. 179 to 181. 



222 JOURNEY OF NUNEZ ACROSS DARIEN. [book I. 

time they arrived at the province of a warlike caciquej 
named Q,uaraqua, who was at war with Ponca. 

"Hearing that a band of strangers were entering his ter- 
ritories, guided by the subjects of his inveterate foe, the 
cacique took the field with a large number of warriors, 
some armed with bows and arrows, others with long spears, 
or with double handed maces of palm wood, almost as 
heavy and hard as iron. Seeing the inconsiderable num- 
ber of the Spaniards, they set upon them with furious yells, 
thinking to overcome them in an instant. The first dis- 
charge of fire-arms, however, struck them with dismay. 
They thought they were contending with demons who vo- 
mited forth thunder and lightning, especially when they 
saw their companions fall bleeding and dead beside them, 
without receiving any apparent blow. They took to head- 
long flight, and were hotly pursued by the Spaniards and 
their bloodhounds. Some were transfixed with lances, 
others hewn down with swords, and many were torn to 
pieces by the dogs, so that duaraqua and six hundred of 
his warriors were left dead upon the field. 

"A brother of the cacique and several chiefs were taken 
prisoners. They were clad in robes of white cotton. Ei- 
ther from their effeminate dress, or from the accusations of 
their enemies, the Spaniards were induced to consider them 
guilty of unnatural crimes, and, in their abhorrence and 
disgust, gave them to be torn to pieces by the blood- 
hounds."* 

"After this sanguinary triumph, the Spaniards marched 
to the village of Q,uaraqua, where they found considerable 
booty in gold and jewels. Of this Vasco Nunez reserved 
one fifth for the crown, and shared the rest liberally among 
his followers. The village was at the foot of the last moun- 
tain that remained for them to climb : several of the Spa- 

* Herrera, Hist. Ind. d. 1, 1. x. c. 1. Voyages of Companions of Columbus, p. 181, 2. 



CHAP, xxv] DISCOVERY OF THE PACIFIC IN 1513. 223 

niards, however, were so disabled by the wounds they had 
received in battle, or so exhausted by the fatigue and hun- 
ger they had endured, that they were unable to proceed. 
They were obliged, therefore, reluctantly to remain in the 
village, within sight of the mountain-top that commanded 
the long-sought prospect. Yasco Nunez selected fresh 
guides from among his prisoners, who were natives of the 
province, and sent back the subjects of Ponca. Of the 
band of Spaniards who had set out with him in this enter- 
prise, sixty-seven alone remained in sufficient health and 
spirits for this last effort. These he ordered to retire early 
to repose, that they might be ready to set off at the cool 
and fresh hour of day-break, so as to reach the summit of 
the mountain before the noon-tide heat."* 

" The day had scarcely dawned, when Vasco Nunez and 
his followers set forth from the Indian village and began to 
climb the height. It was a severe and rugged toil for men 
so wayworn, but they were filled with new ardour at the 
idea of the triumphant scene that was so soon to repay 
them for all their hardships. 

" About ten o'clock in the morning, they emerged from 
the thick forests through which they had hitherto strug- 
gled, and arrived at a lofty and airy region of the moun- 
tain. The bald summit alone remained to be ascended, and 
their guides pointed to a moderate eminence, from which 
they said the southern sea was visible. 

" Upon this Yasco Nuiiez commanded his followers to 
halt, and that no man should stir from his place. Then, 
with a palpitating heart, he ascended alone the bare moun- 
tain-top. On reaching the summit, the long-desired pros- 
pect burst upon his view. It was as if a new world were 
unfolded to him, separated from all hitherto known by this 
mighty barrier of mountains. Below him extended a vast 
chaos of rock and forest, and green savannahs and wander- 

* Voyages of Companions of Columbus, p. 182, 3. 



224 DISCOVERY OF THE PACIFIC IN 1513. [book i. 

ing streams, while at a distance the waters of the promised 
ocean glittered in the morning sun. 

'•At this glorious prospect, Vasco Nunez sank upon his 
knees, and poured out thanks to God for being the first Eu- 
ropean to whom it was given to make that great discovery. 
He then called his people to ascend : ' Behold, my friends,' 
said he, ' that glorious sight which we have so much de- 
sired. Let us give thanks to God that he has granted us 
this great honour and advantage. Let us pray to him that 
he will guide and aid us to conquer the sea and land which 
we have discovered, and in which Christian has never en- 
tered to preach the holy doctrine of the Evangelists. As 
to yourselves, be as you have hitherto been, faithful and 
true to me, and by the favour of Christ you will become 
the richest Spaniards that have ever come to the Indias ; 
you will render the greatest services to your king that ever 
vassal rendered to his lord ; and you will have the eternal 
glory and advantage of all that is here discovered, con- 
quered, and converted to our holy Catholic faith.' 

" The Spaniards answered this speech by embracing 
Vasco Nunez, and promising to follow him to death. 
Among them was a priest, named Andres de Vara, who 
lifted up his voice and chanted Te Deiun laudamus — the 
usual anthem of Spanish discoverers. The people, kneel- 
ing down, joined in the strain with pious enthusiasm and 
tears of joy ; and never did a more sincere oblation rise to 
the Deity from a sanctified altar, than from that wild moun- 
tain summit. It was indeed one of the most sublime dis- 
coveries that had yet been made in the New World, and 
must have opened a boundless field of conjecture to the 
wondering Spaniards. The imagination delights to picture 
forth the splendid confusion of their thoughts. Was this 
the great Indian Ocean, studded with precious islands, 
abounding in gold, in gems, and spices, and bordered by the 
gorgeous cities and wealthy marts of the East ? Or was it 



CHAP. XXV.] DISCOVERY OF THE PACIFIC IN 1513. 225 

some lonely sea, locked up in the embraces of savage un- 
cultivated continents, and never traversed by a bark, ex- 
cepting the light pirogue of the Indian ? The latter could 
hardly be the case, for the natives had told the Spaniards 
of golden realms, and populous, and powerful and luxu- 
rious nations upon its shores. Perhaps it might be bordered 
by various people, civilized in fact, but differing from Eu- 
rope in their civilization; who might have peculiar laws 
and customs and arts and sciences ; who might form, as 
it were, a world of their own, intercommuning by this 
mighty sea, and carrying on commerce between their own 
islands and continents; but who might exist in total igno- 
rance and independence of the other hemisphere. 

" Such may naturally have been the ideas suggested by 
the sight of this unknown ocean. It was the prevalent be- 
lief of the Spaniards, however, that they were the first 
Christians who had made the discovery. Vasco Nunez, 
therefore, called upon all present to witness that he took 
possession of that sea, its islands, and surrounding lands, in 
the name of the sovereigns of Castile ; and the notary of 
the expedition made a testimonial of the same, to which 
all present, to the number of sixty-seven men, signed their 
names. He then caused a fair and tall tree to be cut down 
and wrought into a cross, which was elevated on the spot 
from whence he had at first beheld the sea. A mound of 
stones was likewise piled up to serve as a monument, and 
the names of the Castilian sovereigns were carved on the 
neighbouring trees. The Indians beheld all these ceremo- 
nials and rejoicings in silent wonder, and, while they aided 
to erect the cross and pile up the mound of stones, mar- 
velled exceedingly at the meaning of these monuments, 
little thinking that they marked the subjugation of their 
land. 

" The memorable event, here recorded, took place on the 
26th of September 1513; so that the Spaniards had been 
29 



226 DISCOVERY OF THE PACIFIC IN 1513. [book i. 

twenty days performing the journey from the province of 
Careta to the summit of the mountain, a distance which at 
present, it is said, does not require more than six days tra- 
vel. Indeed the isthmus in this neighbourhood is not more 
than eighteen leagues in breadth in its widest part, and in 
some places merely seven ; but it consists of a ridge of ex- 
tremely high and rugged mountains. When the discove- 
rers traversed it, they had no route but the Indian paths, 
and often had to force their way amidst all kinds of obsta- 
cles, both from the savage country and its savage inhabi- 
tants. In fact, the details of this narrative sufficiently ac- 
count for the slowness of their progress, and present an ar- 
ray of difficulties and perils, which, as has been well ob- 
served, none but those ' men of iron' could have subdued 
and overcome."* 



* Voyages of Companions of Columbus, de Espanoles Celebres, por Don Manuel 
p. 184 to 187. Mr. Irving refers to Vidas Josef Quintana. Tom. ii. p. 40. 



CHAP. XXVI.] MARCH OF NUNEZ INTO THE PACIFIC. 227 



CHAPTER XXVI. 

Of the voyage of Vasco Nunez along the coast of the Pacific ; the in- 
timation received by him of the great empire of Peru ; and his return 
to Darien on the 19th of January 1514. 

From the summit of the mountain, Vasco Nunez de- 
scended with his httle band. Coming to the province 
of a warhke cacique, named Chiapes, a conflict en- 
sued, in which many Indians were made prisoners, 
and the rest fled. The cacique afterwards brought 
to the Spaniards five hundred pounds weight of gold 
as a peace offering ; and for it, beads, hawks bells and 
looking glasses, were given in return.* 

" Friendship being thus established between them, Vasco 
Niiiiez remained at the village for a few days, sending back 
the guides who had accompanied him from Q^uaraqua, and 
ordering his people, whom he had left at that place, to re- 
join him. In the meantime he sent out three scouting par- 
ties, of twelve men each, under Francisco Pizarro, Juan de 
Escary and Alonzo Martin de Don Benito, to explore the 
surrounding country and discover the best route to the sea. 
Alonzo Martin was the most successful. After two days 
journey, he came to a beach, where he found two large ca- 
noes lying high and dry, without any water being in sight. 
While the Spaniards were regarding these canoes, and won- 
dering why they should be so far on land, the tide, which 
rises to a great height on that coast, came rapidly in and 

* Voyages of Companions of Columbus, p. 188, 9. 



228 MARCH OF NUNEZ INTO THE PACIFIC. [book I. 

set them afloat; upon this, Alonzo Martin stepped into one 
of them, and called his companions to bear witness that he 
was the first European that embarked upon that sea ; his 
example was followed by one Bias de Etienza, who called 
them likewise to testify that he was the second."* 

The party having returned to report their success, 
and Vasco Nunez being rejoined by his men from 
Quaraqua, he now left the greater part of his follow- 
ers to repose in the village of Chiapes, and taking 
with him twenty-six Spaniards, well armed, set out on 
the 29th of September for the sea coast, accompanied 
by the cacique and a number of his warriors. Ar- 
riving on the border of a vast bay on the day of Saint 
Michael, he gave to it the name of that saint. The 
tide being out, the water was then above half a 
league distant. After a while it came rushing in, 
and soon reached nearly to the place where the Spa- 
niards had seated themselves. Upon this Vasco Nu- 
nez rose and took a banner, on which were painted 
the Virgin and child, and under them the arms of 
Castile and Leon ; then drawing his sword and throw- 
ing his buckler on his shoulder, he marched into the 
sea until the water reached above his knees, and waiv- 
ing his banner, exclaimed with a loud voice rf 

" ' Long live the high and mighty monarchs Don Ferdinand and 
Donna Juanna, sovereigns of Castile, of Leon, and of Arragon, in 
whose name, and for the royal crown of Castile, I take real, and corpo- 
ral, and actual possession of these seas, and lands, and coasts, and ports, 
and islands of the south, and all thereunto annexed ; and of the king- 
doms and provinces which do, or may appertain to them in whatever 



* Voyages of Companions of Columbus, f Voyages of Companions of Columbus, 

p. 189. Mr. Irving, for tliis, refers to Her- p. 190. 
rera, Hist. Ind. d. i, 1. x. c. 2. 



CHAP. XXVI.] VOYAGE OF NUNEZ ON PACIFIC COAST. 229 

manner, or by whatever right or title, ancient or modern, in times past, 
present, or to come, without any contradiction; and if other prince or 
captain, Christian or Infidel, or of any law, sect or condition whatsoever, 
shall pretend any right to these lands and seas, I am ready and prepared 
to maintain and defend them in the name of the Castilian sovereigns, 
present and future, whose is the empire and dominion over these In- 
dias, islands and terra firma, northern and southern, with all their seas, 
both at the arctic and antarctic poles, on either side of the equinoxial 
line, whether within or without the tropics of Cancer and Capricorn, 
both now and in all times, as long as the world endures, and until the 
final day of judgment of all mankind.' " * 

No one appearing to dispute his pretensions, Vasco 
Nunez called upon his companions to bear witness of 
the fact of his having duly taken possession. They 
all declared themselves ready to defend his claim ; 
and the notary having drawn up a document for the 
occasion, they all subscribed it. Then advancing to 
the margin of the sea, they tasted the water, which, 
finding to be salt, they felt assured that they had dis- 
covered an ocean. The ceremonies were conducted 
by Vasco Nunez's cutting a cross on a tree which 
grew within the water, and making two other crosses 
on two adjacent trees, in honour of the three consti- 
tuting the Trinity, and in token of possession ; and 
by his followers cutting crosses on many of the trees 
of the adjacent forest, and lopping off branches with 
their swords, to bear away as trophies.f 

While he made Chiapes his head quarters, Vasco 
Nunez foraged the adjacent country and obtained a 
considerable quantity of gold. He was intent on ex- 
ploring by sea the borders of a neighbouring gulf of 
great extent. The cacique Chiapes warned him of 
the danger of venturing to sea in that stormy season, 

* Voyages of Companions of Columbus, p. 191. f Id. p. 191, 2. 



230 VOYAGE OF NUNEZ ON PACIFIC COAST. [book i. 

but his representations producing no effect, volun- 
teered to take part in the cruise. Accompanied by 
the cacique, Vasco Nunez embarked on the 17th of 
October with sixty of his men, in nine canoes, ma- 
naged by Indians. The result shewed the wisdom of 
the cacique's advice. In the heavy and tumultuous 
sea, it was with difficulty they could keep afloat ; to- 
wards evening they were enabled to reach a small 
island. Here they landed and fastened the canoes to 
the rocks, or to small trees that grew upon the shore. 
Accustomed to the sea on the northern side of the 
isthmus, where there is little, if any, rise or fall of the 
tide, they took no precaution against such an occur- 
rence. In the night they were awakened by the ri- 
sing of the water. By degrees, rock after rock, and 
one sand bank after another disappeared, until the 
sea covered the whole island, and rose almost to the 
girdles of the Spaniards. Their situation was now 
agonizing. Fortunately, the tide having reached its 
height, began to subside. When the day dawned, a 
sad spectable met their eyes. Some of the canoes 
were broken to pieces; others yawning open in many 
parts. The clothing and food left in them, had been 
washed away. It was necessary to set to work to 
repair, in the best manner they were able, the da- 
mages to the canoes. When they re-embarked, they 
had again to labour with the sea, while they were suf- 
fering excessively from hunger and thirst. At night- 
fall, they landed in a corner of the gulf, near the 
abode of a cacique named Tumaco. Driving his 
men away, they found in the village provisions in 
abundance, beside a considerable amount of gold and 



CHAP. XXVI.] INTIMATION OF PERU. 231 

a great quantity of pearls. Afterwards, a friendly in- 
tercourse was established, and presents were ex- 
changed. To a place about ten miles distant, a party 
of Indians went, by directions of the cacique, and 
gathered pearls on the shore, for the Spaniards.* 

"In reply to the inquiries of Vasco Nunez, the cacique 
informed him that the coast which he saw stretching to the 
west continued onwards without end, and that far to the 
south there was a country abounding in gold, where the 
inhabitants made use of certain quadrupeds to carry bur- 
thens. He moulded a figure of clay to represent these ani- 
mals, which some of the Spaniards supposed to be a deer, 
others a camel, others a tapir, for as yet they knew nothing 
of the lama, the native beast of burthen of South America. 
This was the second intimation received by Vasco Nunez 
of the great empire of Peru ; and, while it confirmed all 
that had been told him by the son of Comagre, it filled him 
with glowing anticipations of the glorious triumphs that 
awaited him."t 

" Lest any ceremonial should be wanting to secure this 
grand discovery to the crown of Spain, Yasco Nunez de- 
termined to sally from the gulf and take possession of the 
main land beyond. "| 

Departing on the 29th of October, in a canoe of 
state furnished by the cacique Tumaco, Nunez pro- 
ceeded along the borders of the gulf to a point where 
he landed on a beach washed by the ocean, and with 
buckler on arm, sword in hand, and banner displayed, 
again marched into the sea and took possession of it, 
with like ceremonials to those observed in the gulf of 
St. Michaels. The Indians now pointed to a line of 

* Voyages of Companions of Columbus, p. 193 to 197. f Id. J97, 8. | Id. 199. 



232 EXPLOITS OF NUNEZ ON THE PACIFIC. [book i. 

land about four or five leagues distant which they de- 
scribed as a great island, and one of a group abound- 
ing with pearls. Being told that these islands were 
under a tyrannical and powerful cacique who often 
made descents upon the main land to plunder it and 
carry the people into captivity, Nunez assured his al- 
lies that on a future occasion he would avenge them 
upon this tyrant and deliver the coasts from his ma- 
raudings. He gave to the principal island the name 
of Isla Rica, and to the archipelago the appellation 
of the Pearl islands.* 

" On the third of November Vasco Nunez departed from 
the province of Tumaco, to visit other parts of the coast. 
He embarked with his men in the canoes, accompanied by 
Chiapes and his Indians, and guided by the son of Tumaco, 
who had become strongly attached to the Spaniards, The 
young man piloted them along an arm of the sea, wide in 
some places, but in others obstructed by groves of man- 
grove trees, which grew within the water and interlaced 
their branches from shore to shore, so that at times the Spa- 
niards were obliged to cut a passage with their swords. 

" At length they entered a great and turbulent river, 
which they ascended with difficulty, and, early the next 
morning surprised a village on its banks, making the ca- 
cique Teaochan, prisoner; who purchased their favour and 
kind treatment by a quantity of gold and pearls, and an 
abundant supply of provisions. As it was the intention of 
Vasco Nunez to abandon the shores of the Southern ocean 
at this place, and to strike across the mountains for Darien, 
he took leave of Chiapes and of the youthful son of Tu- 
maco, who were to return to their houses in the canoes. 
He sent at the same time, a message to his men, whom he 

* Voyages of Companions of Columbus, p. 199, 200. 



CHAP. XXVI.] RETURN OF NUNEZ TO DARIEN 1514. 233 

had left in the village of Chiapes, appointing a place in the 
mountains where they were to rejoin him on his way back 
to Darien. 

" The talent of Vasco Nunez for conciliating and win- 
ning the good will of the savages is often mentioned, and 
to such a degree had he exerted it in the present instance, 
that the two chieftains shed tears at parting. Their con- 
duct had a favourable effect upon the cacique Teaochan ; 
he entertained Vasco Nunez with the most devoted hospi- 
tality during three days that he remained in his village ; 
when about to depart he furnished him with a stock of 
provisions sufficient for several days, as his route would lay 
over rocky and sterile mountains. He sent also a nume- 
rous band of his subjects to carry the burthens of the Spa- 
niards. These he placed under the command of his son, 
whom he ordered never to separate from the strangers, nor 
to permit any of his men to return without the consent of 
Vasco Nunez."* 

The Spaniards suffered greatly from thirst in the 
early part of their route to Darien. Coming to the 
village of a powerful chief named Poncra, famous 
for his riches, they found in the deserted houses to 
the value of three thousand crowns in gold. Hav- 
ing searched for Poncra and prevailed upon him and 
three of his principal subjects to come to Vasco Nu- 
nez, the Spaniards endeavoured to draw from him in- 
formation of the places whence he had procured his 
gold.f 

" He professed utter ignorance in the matter, declaring 
that the gold found in his village had been gathered by his 
predecessors in times long past, and that as he himself set 

* Voyages of Companions of Columbu.s. p. 200 to 202. t Id. p. 203, 4. 

30 



234 RETURN OF NUNEZ TO DARIEN 1514. [book I. 

no value on the metal, he had never troubled himself to 
seek it. The Spaniards resorted to menaces, and even, it 
is said, to tortures, to compel him to betray his reputed 
treasures, but with no better success. Disappointed in 
their expectations, and enraged at his supposed obstinacy, 
they listened too readily to charges advanced against him 
by certain caciques of the neighbourhood, who represented 
him as a monster of cruelty, and as guilty of crimes repug- 
nant to nature ;* whereupon, in the heat of the moment, 
they gave him and his three companions, who were said to 
be equally guilty, to be torn in pieces by the dogs: a rash 
and cruel sentence, given on the evidence of avowed ene- 
mies ; and which, however it may be palliated by the al- 
leged horror and disgust of the Spaniards at the imputed 
crimes of the cacique, bears too much the stamp of haste 
and passion, and remains a foul blot on the character of 
Vasco Nunez. 

" The Spaniards remained for thirty days reposing in the 
village of the unfortunate Poncra, during which time they 
were rejoined by their companions, who had been left be- 
hind at the village of Chiapes. They were accompanied 
by a cacique of the mountains, who had lodged and fed 
them, and made them presents of the value of two thou- 
sand crowns in gold. This hospitable savage approached 
Vasco Nunez with a serene countenance, and taking him 
by the hand, 'Behold,' said he, 'most valiant and powerful 
chief, I bring thee thy companions safe and well, as they 
entered under my roof. May he who made the thunder 
and lightning, and who gives us the fruits of the earth, 
preserve thee and thine in safety !' So saying, he raised 
his eyes to the sun, as if he worshipped that as his deity 
and the dispenser of all temporal blessings.f 

* p. Martyr, d. iii. c. 2. f Herrera, d. i. 1. x. c. 4. 



CHAP. XXVI.] RETURN OF NUNEZ TO DARIEN 1514. 235 

"Departing from this village, and being still accom- 
panied by the Indians of Teaochan, the Spaniards now 
bent their course along the banks of the river Comagre, 
which descends the northern side of the isthmus, and 
flows through the territories of the cacique of the same 
name."* 

They had soon to abandon this wild stream and 
wander on without any path, but guided by the In- 
dians. On the way, their sufferings from hunger be- 
came intense, and many of their Indian companions 
perished ; having been loaded too heavily with gold 
and too lightly with provisions. At length they 
reached a village, where, obtaining supplies, they re- 
mained thirty days to recruit their strength. The 
Spaniards had now to pass through the territories of 
Tubanama, the potent and warlike chieftain of whom 
a formidable character had been given by the young 
Indian prince who first informed Vasco Nunez of the 
southern sea.f 

" He had erroneously represented the dominions of Tu- 
banama as lying beyond the mountains : and when he 
dwelt upon the quantities of gold to be found in them, had 
magnified the dangers that would attend any attempt to pass 
their borders. The name of this redoubtable cacique was, 
in fact, a terror throughout the country ; and when Vasco 
Nunez looked round upon his handful of pale and ema- 
ciated followers, he doubted whether even the superiority 
of their weapons, and their military skill, would enable 
them to cope with Tubanama and his armies in open con- 
test. He resolved, therefore, to venture upon a perilous 
stratagem. When he made it known to his men, every 

* Voyages of Companions of Columbus, p. 204, 5. t Id. p. 205 to 207. 



236 RETURN OF NUNEZ TO DARIEN 1514. [BOOK I. 

one pressed forward to engage in it. Choosing seventy of 
the most vigorous, he ordered the rest to maintain their post 
in the village. 

" As soon as night had fallen, he departed^ silently and 
secretly with his chosen band, and made his way with such 
rapidity through the labyrinths of the forests and the de- 
files of the mountains, that he arrived in the neighbour- 
hood of the residence of Tubanama by the following eve- 
ning, though at the distance of two regular days journey. 

" There waiting until midnight, he assailed the village 
suddenly, and with success, so as to surprise and capture 
the cacique and his whole family, in which were eighty fe- 
males. When Tubanama found himself a prisoner in the 
hands of the Spaniards, he lost all presence of mind, and 
wept bitterly. The Indian allies of Vasco Nunez behold- 
ing their once dreaded enemy thus fallen and captive, now 
urged that he should be put to death, accusing him of va- 
rious crimes and cruelties. Vasco Nunez pretended to lis- 
ten to their prayers, and gave orders that his captive should 
be tied hand and foot and given to the dogs. The cacique 
approached him trembling, and laid his hand upon the pom- 
mel of his sword. ' Who can pretend,' said he, ' to strive 
with one who bears this weapon, which can cleave a man 
asunder with a blow ? Ever since thy fame has reached 
among these mountains have I reverenced thy valour. 
Spare my life, and thou shalt have all the gold I can pro- 
cure.' 

"Vasco Nunez, whose anger was assumed, was readily 
pacified. As soon as the day dawned, the cacique gave 
him armlets and other jewels of gold, to the value of three 
thousand crowns, and sent messengers throughout his do- 
minions, ordering his subjects to aid in paying his ransom. 
The poor Indians, with their accustomed loyalty, hastened 
in crowds, bringing their golden ornaments, until in the 
course of three days they had produced an amount equal 



CHAP. XXVI.] RETURN OF NUNEZ TO DARIEN 1514. 237 

to six thousand crowns. This done, Vasco Nunez set the 
cacique at liberty, bestowing on him several European trin- 
kets, with which he considered himself richer than he had 
been with all his gold. Nothing would draw from him, 
however, the disclosure of the mines from whence this 
treasure was procured. He declared that it came from the 
territories of his neighbours, where gold and pearls were to 
be found in abundance ; but that his lands produced noth- 
ing of the kind. Vasco Nunez doubted his sincerity, and 
secretly caused the brooks and rivers in his dominions to 
be searched, where gold was found in such quantities, that 
he determined, at a future time, to found two settlements 
in the neighbourhood. 

" On parting with Tubanama, the cacique sent his son 
with the Spaniards, to learn their language and religion. It 
is said, also, that the Spaniards carried off his eighty wo- 
men ; but of this particular fact, Oviedo, who writes with 
the papers of Vasco Nunez before him, says nothing. He 
affirms, generally, however, that the Spaniards, throughout 
this expedition, were not scrupulous in their dealings with 
the wives and daughters of the Indians ; and adds, that in 
this their commander set them the example.* 

•' Having returned to the village, where he had left the 
greater part of his men, Vasco Nuiiez resumed his home- 
ward march. His people were feeble and exhausted, and 
several of them sick ; so that some had to be carried and 
others led by the arms. He himself was part of the time 
afflicted by a fever, and had to be borne in a hammock on 
the shoulders of the Indians. 

•' Proceeding thus slowly and toilfully, they at length 
arrived on the northern sea coast, at the territories of their 
ally, Comagre. The old cacique was dead, and had been 
succeeded by his son, the same intelligent youth who had 
first given information of the southern sea and the king- 

* Oviedo, Hist. Gen. part ii. c. 4. MS. 



238 RETURN OF NUNEZ TO DARIEN 1514. [BOOK I. 

dom of Peru. The young chief, who had embraced Chris- 
tianity, received them with great hospitality, making them 
presents of gold, Vasco Nunez gave him trinkets in re- 
turn, and a shirt and a soldier's cloak ; with which, says 
Peter Martyr, he thought himself half a god among his 
naked countrymen. After having reposed for a few days, 
Vasco Nunez proceeded to Poncra, where he heard that a 
ship and caravel had arrived at Darien from Hispaniola, 
with reinforcements and supplies. Hastening, therefore, 
to Coyba, the territories of his ally, Careta, he embarked 
on the 18th of January 1514, with twenty of his men, in 
the brigantine which he had left there, and arrived at Santa 
Maria de la Antigua, in the river of Darien, on the follow- 
ing day. All the inhabitants came forth to receive him ; 
and when they heard the news of the great southern sea, 
and of his returning from its shores laden with pearls and 
gold, there were no bounds to their joy. He immediately 
dispatched the ship and caravel to Coyba for the compa- 
nions he had left behind, who brought with them the re- 
maining booty, consisting of gold and pearls, mantles, ham- 
mocks, and other articles of cotton, and a great number of 
captives of both sexes. A fifth of the spoil was set apart 
for the crown ; the rest was shared, in just proportions, 
among those who had been in the expedition, and those 
who had remained at Darien. All were contented with 
their allotment, and elated with the prospect of still greater 
gain from future enterprises. 

" Thus ended one of the most remarkable expeditions of 
the early discoverers. The intrepidity of Vasco Nunez in 
penetrating, with a handful of men, far into the interior of 
a wild and mountainous country, peopled by warlike tribes : 
his skill in managing his band of rough adventurers, sti- 
mulating their valour, enforcing their obedience, and at- 
taching their affections, show him to have possessed great 
qualities as a general. We are told that he was always 



CUAP. XXTI.] RETURN OF NUNEZ TO DARIEN 1514. 239 

foremost in peril, and the last to quit the field. He shared 
the toils and dangers of the meanest of his followers, treat- 
ing them with frank affability ; watching, fighting, fasting, 
and labouring with them ; visiting and consoling such as 
were sick or infirm, and dividing all his gains with fairness 
and liberality. He was chargeable at times with acts of 
bloodshed and injustice, but it is probable that these were 
often called for as measures of safety and precaution ; he 
certainly off'ended less against humanity than most of the 
early discoverers ; and the unbounded amity and confi- 
dence reposed in him by the natives, when they became 
intimately acquainted with his character, speak strongly in 
favour of his kind treatment of them. 

" The character of Vasco Nniiez had, in fact, risen with 
his circumstances, and now assumed a nobleness and gran- 
deur from the discovery he had made, and the important 
charge it had devolved upon him. He no longer felt him- 
self a mere soldier of fortune, at the head of a band of 
adventurers, but a great commander conducting an immor- 
tal enterprise. ' Behold,' says old Peter Martyr, ' Vasco 
Nunez de Balboa, at once transformed from a rash royster 
to a politic and discreet captain ;' and thus it is that men 
are often made by their fortunes, that is to say, their latent 
qualities are brought out, and shaped and strengthened by 
events, and by the necessity of every exertion to cope with 
the greatness of their destiny."* 

" Vasco Nunez de Balboa now flattered himself that he 
had made a discovery calculated to silence all his enemies 
at court, and to elevate him to the highest favour with his 
sovereign. He wrote letters to the king, giving a detail of 
his expedition, and setting forth all that he had seen or 
heard of this southern sea, and of the rich countries upon 
its borders. Beside the royal fifths of the profits of the 
expedition, he prepared a present for the sovereign, in the 

* Voyages of Companions of Columbus, p. 207 to 211. 



240 RETURN OF NUNEZ TO DARIEN 1514. [book r. 

name of himself and his companions, consisting of the 
largest and most precious pearls they had collected. As a 
trusty and intelligent envoy to bear these tidings, he chose 
Pedro de Arbolancha, an old and tried friend, who had ac- 
companied him in his toils and dangers, and was well ac- 
quainted with all his transactions."* 

" Unfortunately, the ship which was to convey the mes- 
senger to Spain, lingered in port until the beginning of 
March ; a delay which had a fatal influence on the for- 
tunes of Vasco Nunez."! 

* Voyages of Companions of Columbus, p. 212. f Id. 



CHAP. XXVII.] PEDRARIA.S MADE GOVERNOR OF DARIEK. 241 



CHAPTER XXVII. 

Of the appointment of Don Pedro Arias Davila, commonly called Pe- 
drarias, in 1514 as governor of Darien ; the prosperous state of the 
colony under the management of Nunez when Pedrarias arrived ; 
the conduct of Pedrarias to Nuilez ; the sickness of the colony soon 
after the arrival of Pedrarias; his unsuccessful expeditions; and the 
dispatches from Spain in favour of Nuilez. 

The complaints made by the Bachelor Enciso, af- 
ter his arrival in Castile, induced the king to send a 
new governor to Darien with power to enquire into 
and remedy all abuses. For this purpose he chose 
Don Pedro Arias Davila, commonly called Pedrarias. 
He was a native of Segovia, who had been brought 
up in the royal household, and had distinguished him- 
self both in the war in Granada and at the taking of 
Oran and Bugia in Africa. His personal accomplish- 
ments were such as would captivate the soldiery : he 
was called el Galan, for his gallant array and courtly 
demeanor, and el Jusiador, or the Tilter, for his dex- 
terity in jousts and tournaments. Scarcely had this 
appointment been made, when the commissioners 
from Darien arrived, communicating the intelligence 
from the son of Comagre, and asking one thousand 
men to make the discovery. Ferdinand rewarded 
the bearers of the intelligence, and resolved to dis- 
patch immediately a powerful armada with twelve 
hundred men, under the command of Pedrarias to 
accomplish the enterprise. Many cavaliers offering 
31 



243 PEDRARIAS MADE GOVERNOR OF DARIEN. [book I 

themselves as volunteers, the number v^^as extended 
to fifteen hundred, and eventually upwards of two 
thousand embarked. Santa Maria de la Antigua was, 
by royal ordinance, elevated into the metropolitan city 
of Golden Castile, and a friar named Juan de Que- 
vedo was appointed as bishop, with powers to decide 
in all cases of conscience. A number of friars was 
nominated to accompany him, and he was provided 
with the necessary furniture and vessels for a chapel. 
Among the regulations made for the good of the co- 
lony, it was ordained that no lawyers should be ad- 
mitted there ; it being supposed that at Hispaniola 
and elsewhere they were detrimental to the welfare of 
the settlements, by fomenting disputes and litigations. 
The judicial affairs were to be entirely confided to 
the Licentiate Gaspar de Espinosa, who was to offi- 
ciate as alcalde mayor or chief judge. The wife of 
Don Pedrarias accompanied her husband : she left 
behind her in Spain a family of four sons and four 
daughters. Don Pedrarias was instructed to use 
great indulgence towards the people of Darien who 
had been the followers of Nicuesa, and to remit the 
royal tithe of all the gold they might have collected pre- 
vious to his arrival. Vasco Nunez was to be deposed 
from his assumed authority and called to strict ac- 
count before the alcalde mayor for his treatment of 
the Bachelor Enciso. The fleet, consisting of fifteen 
sail, weighed anchor at St. Lucar on the 12th of April 
1514.* 

It is said by Mr. Irving that the two governors, 
Ojeda and Nicuesa, whom the king had appointed to 

* Voyages of Companions of Columbus, p. 213 to 217. 



CHAP. XXVII.] GOVERNMENT OF VASCO NUNEZ. 243 

colonize and command at the isthmus of Darien in 
Terra Firma, having failed in their undertaking, the 
sovereign in 1514 wrote to Hispaniola permitting the 
Adelantado, Don Bartholomew, if so inclined, to 
take charge of settling the coast of Veragua and to 
govern that country under the admiral Don Diego, 
conformably to his privileges, but that it was now too 
late ; illness preventing Don Bartholomew from exe- 
cuting the enterprise.* 

But a short time elapsed after the departure of the 
fleet of Pedrarias from Spain, when Pedro Arbolan- 
cho arrived. He announced the adventurous and 
successful expedition of Vasco Nunez, and laid be- 
fore the king the pearls and ornaments which he had 
brought. The tidings of this discovery made all 
Spain resound with the praises of Vasco Nunez : 
from being considered a lawless and desperate adven- 
turer, he was lauded to the skies as a worthy suc- 
cessor to Columbus.f 

" While honours and rewards were preparing in Europe 
for Vasco Nunez, that indefatigable commander, inspired by 
his fortunes, with redoubled zeal and loftier ambition, was 
exercising the paternal forethought and discretion of a pa- 
triotic governor over the country subjected to his rule. His 
most strenuous exertions were directed to bring the neigh- 
bourhood of Darien into such a state of cultivation as 
might render the settlement independent of Europe for sup- 
plies. The town was situated on the banks of a river, and 
contained upwards of two hundred houses and cabins. Its 
population amounted to five hundred and fifteen Europeans, 

* Irving's Columbus, vol. 2, p. 219, Appendix No. 2. 
t Voyages of Companions of Columbus, p. 217, 18. 



244 ARRIVAL OF PEDRARIAS. [book i. 

all men, and fifteen hundred Indians, male and female. 
Orchards and gardens had been laid out, where European, 
as well as native fruits and vegetables were cultivated, and 
already gave promise of future abundance. Vasco Nunez 
devised all kinds of means to keep up the spirits of his 
people. On holidays they had their favourite national 
sports and games, and particularly tilting matches, of which 
chivalrous amusement the Spaniards, in those days, were 
extravagantly fond. Sometimes he gratified their restless 
and roving habits, by sending them in expeditions to va- 
rious parts of the country, to acquire a knowledge of its 
resources, and to strengthen his sway over the natives. 
He was so successful in securing the amity or exciting the 
awe of the Indian tribes, that a Spaniard might go singly 
about the land in perfect safety ; while his own followers 
were zealous in their devotion to him, both from admira- 
tion of his past exploits, and from hopes of soon being led 
by him to new discoveries and conquests. Peter Martyr, 
in his letter to Leo the Tenth, speaks in high terms of 
these ' old soldiers of Darien,' the remnants of those well- 
tried adventurers who had followed the fortunes of Ojeda, 
Nicuesa and Vasco Nunez. ' They were hardened,' says 
he, ' to abide all sorrows, and were exceedingly tolerant of 
labour, heat, hunger and watching, insomuch that they 
merrily make their boast that they have observed a longer 
and sharper Lent than ever your Holiness enjoined, since, 
for the space of four years, their food has been herbs and 
fruits, with now and then fish, and very seldom flesh.'* 

" Such were the hardy and well seasoned veterans that 
were under the sway of Vasco Nunez ; and the colony 
gave signs of rising in prosperity, under his active and fos- 
tering management, when, in the month of June, the fleet 
of Don Pedrarias Davila arrived in the gulf of Uraba. 

*P. Martyr, decad. 3, c. iii. Lok's translation. 



CHAP, xxvn.] ARRIVAL OF PEDRARIAS. 245 

"The Spanish cavaliers who accompanied the new go- 
vernor, were eager to get on shore, and to behold the anti- 
cipated wonders of the land ; but Pedrarias, knowing the 
resolute character of Vasco Nunez, and the devotion of his 
followers, apprehended some difficulty in getting possession 
of the colony. Anchoring, therefore, about a league and a 
half from the settlement, he sent a messenger on shore to 
announce his arrival. The envoy, having heard so much 
in Spain of the prowess and exploits of Vasco Nunez and 
the riches of Golden Castile, expected, no doubt, to find a 
blustering warrior, maintaining barbaric state in the govern- 
ment which he had usurped. Great was his astonishment, 
therefore, to find this redoubtable hero a plain, unassuming 
man, clad in a cotton frock and drawers, and hempen san- 
dals, directing and aiding the labour of several Indians who 
were thatching a cottage in which he resided. 

" The messenger approached him respectfully, and an- 
nounced the arrival of Don Pedrarias Davila as governor of 
the country. 

" Whatever Yasco Nunez may have felt at this intelli- 
gence, he suppressed his emotions, and answered the mes- 
senger with great discretion ; ' Tell Don Pedrarias Davila,' 
said he, ' that he is welcome, that I congratulate him on 
his safe arrival, and am ready, with all who are here, to 
obey his orders.' 

'' The little community of rough and daring adventurers 
was immediately in an uproar when they found a new 
governor had arrived. Some of the most zealous adherents 
of Vasco Nunez were disposed to sally forth, sword in 
hand, and repel the intruder; but they were restrained by 
their more considerate chieftain, who prepared to receive 
the new governor with all due submission. 

"Pedrarias disembarked on the 30th of June, accompa- 
nied by his heroic wife Dona Isabella, who, according to 
old Peter Martyr, had sustained the roarings and rages of 



246 ARRIVAL OF PEDRARIAS. [book I. 

the ocean with no less stout courage than either her hus- 
band or even the mariners who had been brought up among 
the surges of the sea. 

" Pedrarias set out for the embryo city, at the head of 
two thousand men, all well armed. He led his wife by 
the hand, and on the other side of him was the Bishop of 
Darien, in his robes.; while a brilliant train of youthful ca- 
valiers, in glittering armour and brocade, formed a kind of 
body guard. 

"All this pomp and splendour formed a striking contrast 
with the humble state of Vasco Nunez, who came forth 
unarmed, in simple attire, accompanied by his councillors 
and a handful of the ' old soldiers of Darien,' scarred and 
battered, and grown half wild in Indian warfare, but with- 
out weapons, and in garments much the worse for wear. 

"Vasco Nuiiez saluted Don Pedrarias Davila with pro- 
found reverence, and promised him implicit obedience, both 
in his own name and in the name of the community. 
Having entered the town, he conducted his distinguished 
guests to his straw-thatched habitation, where he had 
caused a repast to be prepared of such cheer as his means 
afforded, consisting of roots and fruits, maize and casava 
bread, with no otiier beverage than water from the river ; 
a sorry palace and a meagre banquet in the eyes of the gay 
cavaliers, who had anticipated far other things from the 
usurper of Golden Castile. Vasco Nunez, however, ac- 
quitted himself in his humble wigwam with the courtesy 
and hospitality of a prince, and showed that the dignity of 
an entertainment depends more upon the giver than the 
feast. In the meantime a plentiful supply of European 
provisions was landed from the fleet, and a temporary 
abundance was diffused through the colony."* 

" On the day after his entrance into Darien, Don Pedra- 
rias held a private conference with Vasco Nunez in presence 

* Voyages of Companions of Columbus, p. 219 to 222. 



CHAP, xxvii] CONDUCT OF PEDRARIAS TO NUNEZ. 247 

of the historian Oviedo, who had come out from Spain as 
the pubhc notary of the colony. The governor commenced 
by assuring him that he was instructed by the king to treat 
him with great favour and distinction, to consult him about 
the affairs of the colony, and to apply to him for informa- 
tion relative to the surrounding country. At the same time 
he professed the most amicable feelings on his own part, 
and an intention to be guided by his counsels in all public 
measures. 

" Vasco Nunez was of a frank, confiding nature, and was 
so captivated by this unexpected courtesy and kindness, 
that he threw off all caution and reserve, and opened his 
whole soul to the politic courtier. Pedrarias availed him- 
self of this communicative mood to draw from him a mi- 
nute and able statement in writing, detailing the circum- 
stances of the colony, and the information collected respect- 
ing various parts of the country ; the route by which he 
had traversed the mountains ; his discovery of the South 
sea ; the situation and reputed wealth of the Pearl islands ; 
the rivers and ravines most productive of gold ; together 
with the names and territories of the various caciques with 
whom he had made treaties. 

" When Pedrarias had thus beguiled the unsuspecting 
soldier of all the information necessary for his purposes, he 
dropped the mask, and within a few days proclaimed a ju- 
dicial scrutiny into the conduct of Yasco Nunez and his 
officers. It was to be conducted by the Licentiate Gaspar 
de Espinosa, who had come out as alcalde mayor, or chief 
judge. The Licentiate was an inexperienced lawyer, hav- 
ing but recently left the University of Salamanca. He ap- 
pears to have been somewhat flexible in his opinions, and 
prone to be guided or governed by others. At the outset 
of his career he was much under the influence of Q,uevedO; 
the Bishop of Darien. Now, as Yasco Nunez knew the im- 
portance of this prelate in the colony, he had taken care to 



248 CONDUCT OF PEDRARIAS TO NUNEZ. [book I. 

secure him to his interests by paying him the most pro- 
found deference and respect, and by giving him a share in 
his agricultural enterprises and his schemes of traffic. In 
fact, the good bishop looked upon him as one eminently 
calculated to promote his temporal prosperity, to which he 
was by no means insensible. Under the influence of the 
prelate, therefore, the alcalde commenced his investigation 
in the most favourable manner. He went largely into an 
examination of the discoveries of Yasco Nunez, and of the 
nature and extent of his various services. The governor 
was alarmed at the course which the inquiry was taking. 
If thus conducted, it would but serve to illustrate the me- 
rits and elevate the reputation of the man whom it was his 
interest and intent to ruin. To counteract it he immedi- 
ately set on foot a secret and invidious course of interro- 
gatories of the followers of Nicuesa and Ojeda, to draw 
from them testimony which might support the charges 
against Vasco Nuiiez of usurpation and tyrannical abuse of 
power. The bishop and the alcalde received information 
of this inquisition, carried on thus secretly, and without 
their sanction. They remonstrated warmly against it, as 
an infringement of their rights, being coadjutors in the go- 
vernment ; and they spurned the testimony of the followers 
of Ojeda and Nicuesa, as being dictated and discoloured by 
ancient enmity. Vasco Nunez was therefore acquitted by 
them of the criminal charges made against him. though he 
remained involved in difficulties from the suits brought 
against him by individuals, for losses and damages occa- 
sioned by his measures. 

" Pedrarias was incensed at this acquittal, and insisted 
upon the guilt of Vasco Nunez, which he pretended to 
have established to his conviction by his secret investiga- 
tions ; and he even determined to send him in chains to 
Spain, to be tried for the death of Nicuesa, and for other 
imputed offences. 



CHAP. XXVU.] CONDUCT OF PEDRARIAS TO NUNEZ. 249 

" It was not the inclination or the interest of the bishop 
that Vasco Nunez should leave the colony ; he therefore 
managed to awaken the jealous apprehensions of the go- 
vernor as to the effect of his proposed measure. He inti- 
mated that the arrival of Vasco Nunez in Spain would be 
signalized by triumph rather than disgrace. By that time 
his grand discoveries would be blazoned to the world, and 
would atone for all his faults. He would be received with 
enthusiasm by the nation, with favour by the king, and 
would probably be sent back to the colony clothed with 
new dignity and power. 

" Pedrarias was placed in a perplexing dilemma by these 
suggestions ; his violent proceedings against Yasco Nunez 
were also in some measure restrained by the influence of 
his wife, Doiia Isabel de Bobadilla, who felt a great respect 
and sympathy for the discoverer. In his perplexity, the 
wily governor adopted a middle course. He resolved to 
detain Vasco Nunez at Darien under a cloud of imputation, 
which would gradually impair his popularity ; while his 
patience and means would be silently consumed by pro- 
tracted and expensive litigation. In the meantime, how- 
ever, the property which had been sequestrated was re- 
stored to him. 

" While Pedrarias treated Vasco Nunez with this seve- 
rity, he failed not to avail himself of the plans of that able 
commander. The first of these was to establish a line of 
posts across the mountains between Darien and the South 
sea. It was his eager desire to execute this before any or- 
der should arrive from the king in favour of his predeces- 
sor, in order that he might have the credit of having colo- 
nized the coast, and Vasco Nunez, merely that of having 
discovered and visited it.* Before he could complete these 
arrangements, however, unlooked-for calamities fell upon 
the settlement, that for a time interrupted every project, 

* Oviedo, Hist. Ind. p. 9, c. 8. 

32 



250 CALAMITIES AT DABIEN. [book i. 

and made every one turn his thoughts merely to his own 
security."* 

Darien was unhealthy. Many of those who had 
recently arrived were swept off speedily ; Pedrarias 
himself fell sick and was removed, with most of his 
people, to a healthier spot on the river Corobari ; the 
malady, however, continued to increase. The provi- 
sions which had been brought out being partly da- 
maged by the sea, the residue grew scanty, and the 
people were put on short allowance. The debility 
thus produced increased the ravages of disease. At 
length the provisions were exhausted and the horrors 
of famine ensued. There perished in a month seven 
hundred of the little army that had embarked with 
Pedrarias. Unable to remedy the evil, Pedrarias gave 
permission for his men to flee from it. A ship-load 
of starving adventurers departed for Cuba, where 
some of them joined the standard of Diego Velas- 
quez, who was colonizing that island ; others made 
their way back to Spain, where they arrived broken 
in health, in spirits and in fortune.f 

The departure of so many was a temporary rehef ; 
and Pedrarias, having recovered from his malady, be- 
stirred himself to send expeditions to forage the coun- 
try and collect treasure.! 

" These expeditions, however, were entrusted to his own 
favourites, and partisans ; while Yasco Nunez, the man most 
competent to carry them into effect, remained idle and ne- 
glected. A judicial inquiry, tardily carried on, oversha- 
dowed him, and though it substantiated nothing, served to 
embarrass his actions, to cool his friends, and to give him 

* Voyages of Companions of Columbus, p. 223 to 226. f Id. p. 227 to 229. J Id. p. 230. 



CHAP. XXVII.] EXPEDITIONS OF PEDRARIAS. 251 

the air of a public delinquent. Indeed, to the other evils 
of the colony was now added that of excessive litigation, 
arising out of the disputes concerning the government of 
Yasco Nunez, and which increased to such a degree, that 
according to the report of the Alcalde Espinosa, if the law 
suits should be divided among the people, at least forty 
would fall to each man's share.* This too was in a colony 
into which the government had commanded that no lawyer 
should be admitted."! 

" Wearied and irritated by the check which had been 
given to his favourite enterprises, and confident of the ulti- 
mate approbation of the king, Vasco Nunez now determined 
to take his fortunes in his own hands, and to prosecute in 
secret his grand project of exploring the regions beyond the 
mountains. For this purpose he privately dispatched otie 
Andres Garabito to Cuba to enlist men, and to make the 
requisite provisions for an expedition across the isthmus, 
from Nombre de Dios, and for the founding a colony on the 
shores of the Southern Ocean, from whence he proposed to 
extend his discoveries by sea and land. 

" While Vasco Nunez awaited the return of Garabito, he 
had the mortification of beholding various of his colonizing 
plans pursued and marred by Pedrarias. Among other en- 
terprises, the governor dispatched his lieutenant-general 
Juan de Ayora, at the head of four hundred men, to visit 
the provinces of those caciques with whom Vasco Nunez 
had sojourned and made treaties on his expedition to the 
Southern sea. Ayora partook of the rash and domineering 
spirit of Pedrarias, and harassed and devastated the coun- 
tries which he pretended to explore. He was received with 
amity and confidence by various caciques who had formed 
treaties with Vasco Nunez ; but he repaid their hospitality 
with the basest ingratitude, seizing upon their property, 
taking from them their wives and daughters, and often tor- 

* Herrera, decad. 2, 1. i. c. 1. 

t Voyages of Companions of Columbus, p. 230. 



252 VASCO NUNEZ. [book i. 

turing them to make them reveal their hidden or supposed 
treasures. Among those treated with this perfidy, we grieve 
to enumerate the youthful cacique who first gave Vasco 
Nunez information of the sea beyond the mountains. 

"The enormities of Ayora and of other captains of Pe- 
drarias produced the usual effect ; the natives were roused 
to desperate resistance ; caciques, who had been faithful 
friends, were converted into furious enemies, and the expe- 
dition ended in disappointment and disaster. 

"The adherents of Vasco Nunez did not fail to contrast 
these disastrous enterprises with those which had been con- 
ducted with so much glory and advantage by their fa- 
vourite commander ; and their sneers and reproaches had 
such an effect upon the jealous and irritable disposition of 
Pedrarias, that he determined to employ their idol in a ser- 
vice that would be likely to be attended with defeat, and 
to impair his popularity. None seemed more fitting for the 
purpose than an exhibition to Dobayba, where he had once 
already attempted in vain to penetrate, and where so many 
of his followers had fallen victims to the stratagems and 
assaults of the natives."* 

Vasco Nuiiez accepted the enterprise, and had two 
hundred resolute men given him for the purpose, but 
his satisfaction was diminished when he found that 
Luis Carrillo, an officer of Pedrarias, was associated 
with him. The enterprise proved unsuccessful. The 
Spaniards, in an unguarded moment, being suddenly 
surprised and surrounded, one half of them, inclu- 
ding Carrillo, were killed or drowned in the river up 
which they were proceeding. Vasco Nuiiez himself 
was wounded, and had great difficulty in escaping 
with the residue of his forces. f 

* Voyages of Companions of Columbus, p. 230 to 232. f Id. p. 233 to 236. 



CHAP. XXVII.] VASCO NUNEZ. 253 

" About this time dispatches arrived from Spain that 
promised to give a new turn to the fortunes of Vasco Nu- 
nez and to the general affairs of the colony. They were 
written after the tidings of the discovery of the South sea, 
and the subjugation of so many important provinces of the 
isthmus. In a letter addressed to Vasco Nunez, the king 
expressed his high sense of his merits and services, and 
constituted him Adelantado of the South sea, and governor 
of the provinces of Panama and Coyba, though subordi- 
nate to the general command of Pedrarias. A letter was 
likewise written by the king to Pedrarias, informing him of 
this appointment, and ordering him to consult Vasco Nunez 
on all public affairs of importance. This was a humilia- 
ting blow to the pride and consequence of Pedrarias, but 
he hoped to parry it. In the meantime, as all letters from 
Spain were first delivered into his hands, he withheld that 
intended for Vasco Nunez, until he should determine what 
course of conduct to adopt. The latter, however, heard of 
the circumstance, as did his friend the Bishop of Darien. 
The prelate made loud complaints of this interruption of 
the royal correspondence, which he denounced, even from 
the pulpit, as an outrage upon the rights of the subject, 
and an act of disobedience to the sovereign. 

" Upon this the governor called a council of his public 
officers; and, after imparting the contents of his letter, re- 
quested their opinion as to the propriety of investing Vasco 
Nunez with the dignities thus granted to him. The 
alcalde mayor, Espinosa, had left the party of the bishop, 
and was now devoted to the governor. He insisted, vehe- 
mently, that the offices ought in no wise to be given to 
Vasco Nunez, until the king should be informed of the re- 
sult of the inquest, which was still going on against him. 
In this he was warmly supported by the treasurer and the 
accountant. The bishop replied, indignantly, that it was 
presumptuous and disloyal in them to dispute the com- 



254 VASCO NUNEZ. [book I. 

mands of the king, and to interfere with the rewards con- 
scientiously given by him to a meritorious subject. In this 
way, he added, they were defeating, by their passions, the 
grateful intentions of their sovereign. The governor was 
overawed by the honest warmth of the bishop, and pro- 
fessed to accord with him in opinion. The council lasted 
until midnight ; and it was finally agreed that the titles 
and dignities should be conferred on Vasco Nunez on the 
following day.* 

" Pedrarias and his officers reflected, however, that if the 
jurisdiction implied by these titles, were absolutely vested in 
Yasco Nuiiez, the government of Darien and Castilla del 
Oro would virtually be reduced to a trifling matter ; they 
resolved, therefore, to adopt a middle course ; to grant him 
the empty titles, but to make him give security not to en- 
ter upon the actual government of the territories in ques- 
tion, until Pedrarias should give him permission. The 
bishop and Vasco Nunez assented to this arrangement ; sa- 
tisfied, for the present, with securing the titles, and trust- 
ing to the course of ev^ents to get dominion over the terri- 
tories.! 

" The new honours of Vasco Nunez were now promul- 
gated to the world, and he was every where addressed by 
the title of Adelantado. His old friends lifted up their 
heads with exultation, and new adherents flocked to his 
standard. Parties began to form for him and for Pedrarias, 
for it was deemed impossible they could continue long in 
harmony. 

"The jealousy of the governor was excited by these 
circumstances ; and he regarded the newly created Adelan- 
tado as a dangerous rival and an insidious foe. Just at this 
critical juncture, Andres Garabito, the agent of Vasco Nu- 
nez, arrived on the coast in a vessel which he had procured 

*Oviedo,part 2, c. 9. MS. Oviedo, the given on the occasion, which the parties 
historian, was present at this consultation, signed with their proper hands, 
and says that he wrote down the opinions * Oviedo, part 2, c. 9. MS. 



CHAP, xxvn.] VASCO NUNEZ. 255 

at Cuba, and had freighted with arms and anfimunition, and 
seventy resolute men, for the secret expedition to the shores 
of the Pacific Ocean. He anchored six leagues from the 
harbour, and sent word privately to Vasco Nunez of his 
arrival. 

"Information was immediately carried to Pedrarias, that 
a mysterious vessel, full of armed men, was hovering on 
the coast, and holding secret communication with his rival. 
The suspicious temper of the governor immediately took 
the alarm. He fancied some treasonable plot against his 
authority: his passions mingled with his fears; and, in the 
first burst of his fury, he ordered that Vasco Nunez should 
be seized and confined in a wooden cage. The Bishop of 
Darien interposed in time to prevent an indignity which it 
might have been impossible to expiate. He prevailed upon 
the passionate governor, not merely to retract the order re- 
specting the cage, but to examine the whole matter with 
coolness and deliberation. The result proved that his sus- 
picions had been erroneous; and that the armament had 
been set on foot without any treasonable intent. Vasco 
Nunez was, therefore, set at liberty, after having agreed to 
certain precautionary conditions ; but he remained cast 
down in spirit and impoverished in fortune, by the haras- 
sing measures of Pedrarias."* 

Gonzalo Fernandez de Oviedo Y. Valdes, to whom 
reference is made on page 247, in an extract from 
the Voyages of the Companions of Columbus, was, it 
is said, appointed in 1514 inspector of the metals cast 
at Darien. Becoming discontented with Pedrarias, 
he gave up this place, we are told, the year following, 
and went to Saint Domingo, and thence to Spain.f 

•* Voyages of Companions of Columbus, p. 237 to 240. 

t Preface of French editor to his History, published at Paris in 1841, in Ternaux's col 
lection. 



256 EXPEDITIONS 1515 UNDER PEDRARIAS. [book i. 



CHAPTER XXVIII. 

Of several expeditions in 1515 under Pedrarias, one of which was to 
the Pacific ; also of the discovery of the Rio de la Plata. 

Pedrarias now set on foot an expedition with sixty 
men to the South sea, but gave the command to one 
of his own relations named Caspar Morales, who was 
accompanied by Francisco Pizarro. Morales and 
Pizarro traversed the mountains of the isthmus by a 
shorter and more expeditious route than that which 
had been taken by Vasco Nunez, and arrived on the 
shores of the South sea, at the territories of a cacique 
named Tutibra, by whom they were amicably enter- 
tained. Their great object was to visit the Pearl 
islands. The cacique having but four canoes, and 
they being insufficient to contain the whole party, 
one half of the men remained at the village of Tu- 
tibra under the command of a captain named Pena- 
losa ; the residue embarked in the canoes with Mo- 
rales and Pizarro. They landed on one of the smaller 
islands, where they had some skirmishing with the 
natives, and hence made their way to the principal 
island, called by Nuiiez Isla Kica. The cacique gave 
to the Spaniards a reception worthy of his fame. 
After being repulsed four times with great slaughter, 
he sued for peace, and brought as a peace offering a 
basket curiously wrought, and filled with pearls of 
great beauty.* 

* Voyages of Companions of Columbus, p. 241, 2. 



CHAP. XXVIII.] EXPEDITIONS UNDER PEDRARIAS ; 1515. 257 

" The cacique considered himself more than repaid by a 
present of hatchets, beads, and hawks-bells : and, on the 
Spaniards sm.iling at his joy, observed, 'These things I 
can turn to useful purpose, but of what value are those 
pearls to me?' 

" Finding, however, that these baubles were precious in 
the eyes of the Spaniards, he took Morales and Pizarro to 
the summit of a wooden tower, commanding an unbound- 
ed prospect. 'Behold, before you,' said he, 'the infinite 
sea, which extends even beyond the sun-beams. As to 
these islands which lie to the right and left, they are all 
subject to my sway. They possess but little gold, but the 
deep places of the sea around them are full of pearls. Con- 
tinue to be my friends, and you shall have as many as you 
desire ; for I value your friendship more than pearls, and, 
as far as in me lies, will never forfeit it.' 

"He then pointed to the main land, where it stretched 
away towards the east, mountain beyond mountain, until 
the summit of the last faded in the distance, and was 
scarcely seen above the watery horizon. In that direction, 
he said, there lay a vast country of inexhaustible riches, 
inhabited by a mighty nation. He went on to repeat the 
vague but wonderful rumours which the Spaniards had fre- 
quently heard about the great kingdom of Peru. Pizarro 
listened greedily to his words, and while his eye followed 
the finger of the cacique, as it ranged along the line of sha- 
dowy coast, his daring mind kindled with the thought of 
seeking this golden empire beyond the waters.* 

" Before leaving the island, the two captains impressed 
the cacique with so great an idea of the power of the king 
of Castile, that he agreed to become his vassal, and to ren- 
der him an annual tribute of one hundred pounds weight 
of pearls. 

* Herrera, d. 2, 1, i. c. iv, P. Martyr, d. 3, c. x. 

33 



258 EXPEDITIONS UNDER PEDRARIAS ; 1515. [book I. 

" The party having returned in safety to the main land, 
though to a different place from that where they had em- 
barked, Gaspar Morales sent his relation, Bernardo Morales, 
with ten men, in quest of Penalosa and his companions, 
who had remained in the village of Tutibra. 

" Unfortunately for the Spaniards, during the absence of 
the commanders, this Penalosa had so exasperated the na- 
tives by his misconduct, that a conspiracy had been formed 
by the caciques along the coast to massacre the whole of 
the strangers, when the party should return from the 
islands. 

" Bernardo Morales and his companions, on their way in 
quest of Penalosa, put up for the night in the village of a 
cacique named Chuchama, who was one of the conspira- 
tors. They were entertained with pretended hospitality. 
In the dead of the night, however, the house in which 
they were sleeping was wrapped in flames, and most of 
them were destroyed. Chuchama then prepared with his 
confederates to attack the main body of the Spaniards who 
remained with Morales and Pizarro. 

" Fortimately for the latter, there was among the Indians 
who had accompanied them to the islands a cacique named 
Chiruca, who was in secret correspondence with the con- 
spirators. Some circumstances in his conduct excited their 
suspicions; they put him to the torture and drew from him 
a relation of the massacre of their companions, and of the 
attack with which they were menaced. 

" Morales and Pizarro were at first appalled by the over- 
whelming danger which surrounded them. Concealing 
their agitation, however, they compelled Chiruca to send a 
message to each of the confederate caciques, inviting him 
to a secret conference, under pretence of giving him impor- 
tant information. The caciques came at the summons : 
they were thus taken one by one, to the number of eigh- 
teen, and put in chains. Just at this juncture Penalosa ar- 



CHAP. SXVlIl] EXPEDITIONS UNDER PEDRARIAS ; 1515. 259 

rived with the thirty men who had remained with him at 
Tiitibra. Their arrival was hailed with joy by their com- 
rades, who had given them up for lost. Encouraged by 
this unexpected reinforcement, the Spaniards now attacked 
by surprise the main body of confederate Indians, who, be- 
ing ignorant of the discovery of their plot and capture of 
their caciques, were awaiting the return of the latter in a 
state of negligent security. 

" Pizarro led the van, and set upon the enemy at day- 
break v/ith the old Spanish war-cry of Santiago ! It was 
a slaughter rather than a battle, for the Indians were un- 
prepared for resistance. Before sun-rise, seven hundred lay 
dead upon the field. Returning from the massacre, the 
commanders doomed the caciques who were in chains to be 
torn in pieces by the bloodhounds ; nor was even Chiruca 
spared from this sanguinary sentence. Notwithstanding 
this bloody revenge, the vindictive spirit of the comman- 
ders was still unappeased, and they set off to surprise the 
village of a cacique named Biru, who dwelt on the eastern 
side of the gulf of St. Michael. He was famed for valour 
and for cruelty : his dwelling was surrounded by the wea- 
pons and other trophies of those whom he had vanquished ; 
and he was said never to give quarter. 

" The Spaniards assailed his village before day-break 
with fire and sword, and made dreadful havoc. Biru es- 
caped from his burning habitation, rallied his people, kept 
up a galling fight throughout the greater part of that day, 
and handled the Spaniards so roughly, that, when he drew 
off at night, they did not venture to pursue him, but re- 
turned right gladly from his territory. According to some 
of the Spanish writers, the kingdom of Peru derived its 
name from this warlike cacique, through a blunder of the 
early discoverers ; the assertion, however, is believed to be 
erroneous. 



260 EXPEDITIONS UNDER PEDRARIAS ; 1515. [BOOK 1. 

" The Spaniards had pushed their bloody revenge to an 
extreme, and were now doomed to suffer from the recoil. 
In the fury of their passions, they had forgotten that they 
were but a handful of men surrounded by savage nations. 
Returning wearied and disheartened from the battle with 
Biru, they were waylaid and assaulted by a host of Indians 
led on by the son of Cliiruca. A javelin from his hand 
pierced one of the Spaniards through the breast and came 
out between the shoulders ; several others were wounded, 
and the remainder were harassed by a galling fire kept up 
from among rocks and bushes. 

" Dismayed at the implacable vengeance they had 
aroused, the Spaniards hastened to abandon these hostile 
shores and make the best of their way back to Darien, 
The Indians, however, were not to be appeased by the 
mere departure of the intruders. They followed them per- 
severingly for seven days, hanging on their skirts, and ha- 
rassing them by continual alarms. Morales and Pizarro, 
seeing the obstinacy of their pursuit, endeavoured to gain 
a march upon them by stratagem. Making large fires as 
usual one night about the place of their encampment, they 
left them burning to deceive the enemy while they made a 
rapid retreat. Among their number was one poor fellow 
named Velasquez, who was so grievously wounded that he 
could not walk. Unable to accompany his countrymen in 
their flight, and dreading to fall into the merciless hands of 
the savages, he determined to hang himself, nor could the 
prayers and even tears of his comrades dissuade him from 
his purpose. 

"The stratagem of the Spaniards, however, was una- 
vailing. Their retreat was perceived, and at day-break, to 
their dismay, they found themselves surrounded by three 
squadrons of savages. Unable, in their haggard state, to 
make head against so many foes, they remained drawn up 
all day on the defensive, some watching while others re- 



CHAP.XXVm.] EXPEDITIONS UNDER PEDRARIAS ; 1515. 261 

posed. At night they lit their fires and again attempted to 
make a secret retreat. The Indians, however, were as 
usual on their traces, and wounded several with arrows. 
Thus pressed and goaded, the Spaniards became desperate, 
and fought like madmen, rushing upon the very darts of 
the enemy. 

'' Morales now resorted to an inhuman and fruitless ex- 
pedient to retard his pursuers. He caused several Indian 
prisoners to be slain, hoping that their friends would stop 
to lament over them ; but the sight of their mangled bo- 
dies only increased the fury of the savages and the obsti- 
nacy of their pursuit. 

" For nine days were the Spaniards hunted in this man- 
ner about the woods and mountains, the swamps and fens, 
wandering they knew not whither, and returning upon 
their steps, until, to their dismay, they found themselves in 
the very place where, several days previously, they had 
been surrounded by the three squadrons. 

" Many now began to despair of ever escaping with life 
from this trackless wilderness, thus teeming with deadly 
foes. It was with difficulty their commanders could rally 
their spirits, and encourage them to persevere. Entering a 
thick forest they were again assailed by a band of Indians, 
but despair and fury gave them strength : they fought like 
wild beasts rather than like men, and routed the foe with 
dreadful carnage. They had hoped to gain a breathing 
time by this victory, but a new distress attended them. 
They got entangled in one of those deep and dismal 
marshes which abound on those coasts, and in which the 
wanderer is often drowned or suffocated. For a whole day 
they toiled through brake and bramble, and miry fen, with 
the water reaching to their girdles. At length they extri- 
cated themselves from the swamp, and arrived at the sea 
shore. The tide was out, but was about to return, and on 
this coast it rises rapidly to a great height. Fearing to be 



262 EXPEDITIONS UNDER PEDRARIAS j 1515. [book i. 

overwhelmed by the rising surf, they hastened to climb a 
rock out of reach of the swelling waters. Here they threw 
themselves on the earth panting with fatigue and abandoned 
to despair. A savage wilderness filled with still more sa- 
vage foes, was on one side, on the other the roaring sea. 
How were they to extricate themselves from these sur- 
rounding perils? While reflecting on their desperate situa- 
tion, they heard the voices of Indians. On looking cau- 
tiously round, they beheld four canoes entering a neigh- 
bouring creek. A party was immediately dispatched, who 
came upon the savages by surprise, drove them into the 
woods, and seized upon the canoes. In these frail barks 
the Spaniards escaped from their perilous neighbourhood, 
and, traversing the gulf of St. Michael, landed in a less 
hostile part, from whence they set out a second time across 
the mountains. 

" It is needless to recount the other hardships they en- 
dured, and their further conflicts with the Indians ; suffice 
it to say, after a series of almost incredible sufferings and 
disasters, they at length arrived in a battered and emaciated 
condition at Darien. Throughout all their toils and trou- 
bles, however, they had managed to preserve a part of the 
treasure they had gained in the islands ; especially the 
pearls given them by the cacique of Isla Rica. These 
were objects of universal admiration. One of them was 
put up at auction, and bought by Pedrarias, and was after- 
wards presented by his wife Dona Isabella de Bobadilla to 
the Empress, who, in return, gave her four thousand 
ducats.* 

" Such was the cupidity of the colonists, that the sight 
of these pearls and the reputed wealth of the islands of the 
southern sea, and the kingdoms on its borders, made far 
greater impression on the public mind, than the tale told by 

* Herrera, Hist. Ind. d. 2, I. i. c. 4. 



CHAP.SXVlli] DISCOVERY OF THE LA PLATA. 263 

the adventurers of all the horrors they had past ; and every- 
one was eager to seek these wealthy regions beyond the 
mountains."* 

Other expeditions set on foot by Pedrarias ended 
badly. One of these was to the province of Zenu. 
A captain named Francisco Becerra, penetrated into 
this country at the head of one hundred and eighty 
men, but neither the commander nor any of his men 
returned. They were all destroyed by the Indians. 
Another band was defeated by Tubanama. In fine, 
the colony became so weakened by these repeated 
losses, and the savages so emboldened by success, 
that the latter beleaguered it with their forces, ha- 
rassed it by assaults and ambuscades, and reduced it 
to great extremity.! 

At this period there was an important expedition 
in another part of South America ; not however by 
Pedrarias or under his authority. Juan Diaz de Solis 
discovered a river, the great extent of which made 
him name it Mar Dulce, or the Sea of Sweet Water. 
After the visit of Sebastian Cabot, at a later period, 
it was called the Rio de la Plata. The year of the 
discovery by Juan Diaz de Solis is variously stated 
sometimes in 1512, sometimes in 1515 or 1516. In 
one of these latter years, Juan Diaz de Solis and fifty 
men were massacred by the Indians near the cape of 
Santa Maria. J 

* Voyages of Companions of Columbus, p. 249. f Id. p. 250, 51. 

I Voyages of Companions of Columbus, p. 250, 51. Preface of French Editor to Gan- 
davo's History of tlie Province of Sancta Cruz. 



264 JUAN PONCE DE LEON. [book i. 



CHAPTER XXIX. 

Of Juan Ponce de Leon ; his voyage to Guadaloupe in 1515 ; the visit 
this year of Diego Columbus to Spain, and the death of Bartholomew 
Columbus; also, of Sebastian Cabot, from 1515 to 1518. 

After the discovery of Florida by Juan Ponce de 
Leon, he went to Spain, to make report of it to the 
king. 

" The hardy old cavalier experienced much raillery from 
the witlings of the court, on account of his visionary voy- 
age, though many wise men had been as credulous as him- 
self at the outset. The king, however, received him with 
great favour, and conferred on him the title of Adelantado 
of Bimini and Florida, which last was as yet considered an 
island. Permission was also granted him to recruit men, 
either in Spain or in the colonies, for a settlement in Flo- 
rida ; but he deferred entering on his command for the pre- 
sent, being probably discouraged and impoverished by the 
losses in his last expedition, or finding a difficulty in en- 
listing adventurers. At length another enterprise presented 
itself The Caribs had by this time become a terror to the 
Spanish inhabitants of many of the islands, making de- 
scents upon the coasts and carrying off captives, who, it 
was supposed, were doomed to be devoured by- these can- 
nibals. So frequent were their invasions of the island of 
Porto Rico, that it was feared they would ultimately oblige 
the Spaniards to abandon it. 

"At length King Ferdinand, in 1514, ordered that three 
ships, well armed and manned, should be fitted out in Se- 



CHAP, xxix] VOYAGE TO GUADALOUPE IN 1515. 265 

ville, destined to scour the islands of the Caribs, and to 
free the seas from those cannibal marauders. The com- 
mand of the armada was given to Juan Ponce de Leon, 
from his knowledge in Indian warfare, and his varied and 
rough experience which had mingled in him the soldier 
with the sailor. He was instructed, in the first place, to 
assail the Caribs of those islands most contiguous and dan- 
gerous to Porto Rico, and then to make war on those of the 
coast of Terra Firma, in the neighbourhood of Carthagena. 
He was afterwards to take the captaincy of Porto Rico, 
and to attend to the repartimientos or distributions of the 
Indians, in conjunction with a person to be appointed by 
Diego Columbus. 

'• The enterprise suited the soldier-like spirit of Juan 
Ponce de Leon, and the gallant old cavalier set sail, full of 
confidence, in January 1515, and steered direct for the Ca- 
ribbees, with a determination to give a wholesome castiga- 
tion to the whole savage archipelago. Arriving at the 
island of Guadaloupe, he cast anchor, and sent men on 
shore for wood and water, and women to wash the cloth- 
ing of the crews, with a party of soldiers to mount guard. 

"Juan Ponce had not been as wary as usual, or he had 
to deal with savages nn usually adroit in warfare. While 
the people were scattered carelessly on shore, the Caribs 
rushed forth from an ambuscade, killed the greater part of 
the men, and carried off the women to the mountains. 

" This blow, at the very outset of his vaunted expedi- 
tion, sank deep into the heart of Juan Ponce, and put an 
end to all his military excitement. Humbled and morti- 
fied, he set sail for the island of Porto Rico, where he re- 
linquished all further prosecution of the enterprise, under 
pretext of ill health, and gave the command of the squad- 
ron to a captain named Zuniga; but it is surmised that his 
malady was not so much of the flesh as of the spirit. He 
remained in Porto Rico as governor : but, having grown 
34 



266 VISIT OF DIEGO COLUMBUS TO SPAIN 1515. [BOOK I. 

testy and irritable, through vexations and disappointments, 
he gave great offence, and caused much contention on the 
island, by positive and strong-handed measures, in respect 
to the distributions of the Indians."* 

" Many calumnies having been sent home to Spain by Pa- 
samonte and other enemies of Don Diego Columbus, and va- 
rious measures being taken by government, which he con- 
ceived derogatory to his dignity and injurious to his privi- 
leges, he requested and obtained permission to repair to court, 
that he might explain and vindicate his conduct. He de- 
parted, accordingly, on April 9th, 1515, leaving the Adelan- 
tado with the vice-queen Dona Maria. He was received with 
great honour by the king ; and he merited such a reception. 
He had succeeded in every enterprise he had undertaken or 
directed. The pearl fishery had been successfully established 
on the coast of Cubagua ; the islands of Cuba and of Jamaica 
had been subjected and brought under cultivation without 
bloodshed ; his conduct as governor had been upright ; and 
he had only excited the representations made against him, 
by endeavouring to lessen the oppression of the natives. 
The king ordered that all processes against him in the 
court of appeal and elsewhere, for damages done to indivi- 
duals in regulating the repartimientos. should be disconti- 
nued, and the cases sent to himself for consideration. But 
with all these favours, as the admiral claimed a share of the 
profits of the provinces of Castilla del Oro, saying that it 
was discovered by his father, as the names of its places, 
such as Nombre de Dios, Porto Bello and El Retrete, plainly 
proved, the king ordered that interrogatories should be 
made among the mariners who had sailed with Christopher 
Columbus, in the hope of proving that he had not disco- 
vered the coast of Darien or the gulf of Uraba. ' Thus,' 
adds Herrera, 'Don Diego was always involved in litiga- 

* Voyages of Companions of Columbus, p. 319 to 321. 



CHAP. XXIX.] DEATH OF BARTHOLOMEW COLUMBUS. 267 

tions with the fiscal, so that he might truly say that he was 
heir to the troubles of his father.'* 

" Not long after the departure of Don Diego from San 
Domingo, his uncle, Don Bartholomew, ended his active 
and laborious life. No particulars are given of his death, 
nor is there mention made of his age, which must have 
been advanced. King Ferdinand is said to have expressed 
great concern at the event, for he had a high opinion of 
the character and talents of the Adelantado : 'a man,' says 
Herrera, ' of not less worth than his brother, the admiral, 
and who, if he had been employed, would have given great 
proofs of it ; for he was an excellent seaman, valiant, and of 
great heart. 'f Charlevoix attributes the inaction in which 
Don Bartholomew had been suffered to remain for several 
years, to the jealousy and parsimony of the king. He 
found the house already too powerful ; and the Adelantado, 
had he discovered Mexico, was a man to make as good con- 
ditions as had been made by the admiral his brother.| It 
was said, observed Herrera, that the king rather preferred 
to employ him in his European affairs, though it could only 
have been to divert him from other objects. On his death 
the king resumed to himself the island of Mona, which he 
had given to him for life, and transferred his repartimiento 
of two hundred Indians to the vice-queen DoRa Maria. 

" While the Admiral Don Diego was pressing for an au- 
dience in his vindication at court, King Ferdinand died on 
the 23d January 1516. His grandson and successor, Prince 
Charles, afterwards the Emperor Charles V., was in Flan- 
ders."<§> 

At this period Sebastian Cabot was in Spain. 
" Cabot," says Peter Martyr, " is my very friend 



* Herrera, Decad. 2, L. 2, cap. 7. $Irving'3 Columbus, vol. 2, p. 219, 20, 

t Idem. Decad. 1, L. 10, c. 16. Appendix No. 2. 

t Charlevoix, Hist. St. Doming. L. 5. 



268 VOYAGE OF CABOT TO BRAZIL. [BOOK I, 

whom I use familiarly, and delight to have him some- 
times keep me company in my own house." An ex- 
pedition had, in 1515, been appointed to proceed un- 
der the command of Cabot the ensuing March, but 
the death of Ferdinand seems to have put an end to 
it, and Cabot then went to England.* 

About the eighth year of the reign of Henry the 
Eighth, (in 1516 or 1517,) Cabot made a voyage with 
Sir Thomas Pert, which, Mr. Biddle argues, was in 
search of a northwest passage.f It has usually been 
supposed to be to Brazil, Hispaniola and Porto Rico. 
There is a notice of it in the third volume of Hak- 
luyt,t and also in Purchas's Pilgrims. 

In 1518, Cabot resumed the office of chief pilot of 
Spain, § and again became a resident of Seville. 



* Third vol. of Hakluyt, p. 8,9. Bid- J P. 498. 

die's Memoir of Cabot, p. 100, 101, 102. § Biddle's Memoir, p. 119. 

t Biddle's Memoir, p. 102. 



CHAP. XXX.] PEDRARIAS AND NUNEZ. 269 



CHAPTER XXX. 

Of the reconciliation between Pedrarias and Vasco Nuiiez ; a marriage 
agreed upon between Nunez and the eldest daughter of Pedrarias, to 
take place on her arrival from Spain ; authority to Nuiiez in 1516 to 
make an expedition to explore the Southern Ocean ; his proceedings ; 
the perfidy of Andres Garabito ; the hypocrisy of Pedrarias ; and 
his arrest of Nunez. 

" While Pedrarias was harassed and perplexed by these 
complicated evils, he was haunted by continual apprehen- 
sions of the ultimate ascendancy of Yasco Nunez. He 
knew him to be beloved by the people, and befriended by 
the bishop ; and he had received proofs that his services 
were highly appreciated by the king. He knew also that 
representations had been sent home by him and his parti- 
zans, of the evils and abuses of the colony under the pre- 
sent rule, and of the necessity of a more active and effi- 
cient governor. He dreaded lest these representations 
should ultimately succeed ; that he should be undermined 
in the royal favour, and Vasco Nunez be elevated upon his 
ruins. 

" The politic bishop perceived the uneasy state of the 
governor's mind, and endeavoured, by means of his appre- 
hensions, to effect that reconciliation which he had sought 
in vain to produce through more generous motives. He 
represented to him that his treatment of Vasco Nunez was 
odious in the eyes of the people, and must eventually draw 
on him the displeasure of his sovereign. ' But why per- 
sist,' added he, ' in driving a man to become your deadliest 
enemy, whom you may grapple to your side as your firmest 
friend ? You have several daughters — give him one in 



270 PEDRARIAS AND NUNEZ. [BOOK I. 

marriage ; you will then have for a son-in-law a man of 
merit and popularity, who is a hidalgo by birth, and a fa- 
vourite of the king. You are advanced in life and infirm ; 
he is in the prime and vigour of his days, and possessed of 
great activity. You can make him your lieutenant; and 
while you repose from your toils, he can carry on the af- 
fairs of the colony with spirit and enterprise ; and all his 
achievements will redound to the advancement of your fa- 
mily and the splendour of your administration.' 

" The governor and his lady were won by the eloquence 
of the bishop, and readily listened to his suggestions; and 
Vasco Nunez was but too happy to effect a reconciliation 
on such flattering terms. Written articles were accordingly 
drawn up and exchanged, contracting a marriage between 
him and the eldest daughter of Pedrarias. The young 
lady was then in Spain, but was to be sent for, and the nup- 
tials were to be celebrated on her arrival at Darien. 

" Having thus fulfilled his office of peace-maker, and set- 
tled, as he supposed, all feuds and jealousies on the sure 
and permanent foundation of family alliance, the worthy 
bishop departed shortly afterwards for Spain."* 

The governor now authorized Vasco Nunez to 
build brigantines and make all the necessary prepa- 
rations for his long desired expedition to explore the 
Southern Ocean.f 

" The place appointed for these purposes was the port of 
Careta, situated to the west of Darien ; from whence there 
was supposed to be the most convenient route across the 
mountains. A town called Ada had been founded at this 
port ; and the fortress was already erected, of which Lope 
de Olano was alcalde ; Yasco Nufiez was now empowered 
to continue the building of the town. Two hundred men 

* Voyages of Companions of Columbus, p. 250 to 253. t Id. p. 254. 



CHAP. XXX.] EXPEDITION OF NUNEZ IN 1516. 271 

were placed under his command to aid him in carrying his 
plans into execution, and a sum of money was advanced 
to him out of the royal treasury. His supply of funds, 
however, was not sufficient ; but he received assistance 
from a private source. There was a notary at Darien, 
named Hernando de Arguello, a man of some consequence in 
the community, and who had been one of the most furious 
opponents of the unfortunate Nicuesa. He had amassed 
considerable property, and now embarked a great part of it 
in the proposed enterprise, on condition, no doubt, of shar- 
ing largely in its anticipated profits,'"* 

After a series of toils and hardships, Vasco Nunez 
had the satisfaction of beholding two brigantines con- 
structed and floating on a river called then the Balsas, 
which flowed into the Pacific. As soon as they could 
be equipped for sea, he embarked in them with as 
many Spaniards as they could carry ; and issuing 
forth from the river, launched triumphantly on the 
great ocean he had discovered. The first cruise of 
Vasco Nunez was to the group of Pearl islands, on 
the principal one of which he disembarked the greater 
part of his crews. While the brigantines went back 
to bring off" the remainder, he ranged the islands with 
his men to collect provisions and establish a complete 
sway over the natives. On the return of his vessels, 
and while preparations were making for the building 
of others, he embarked with a hundred men, and 
passed on a reconnoitering cruise about twenty 
leagues beyond the gulf of San Miguel. It was his 
purpose to go towards the region pointed out by the 
Indians as abounding in riches, but the wind being 

* Voyages of Companions of Columbus, p. 254, 5. 



272 EXPEDITION OF NUNEZ IN 1516, [book I. 

contrary he had to alter his course : thus a cruise was 
abandoned which, if it could have been persevered 
in, might have terminated in the discovery of Peru. 
Steering for the main land, he anchored on that part 
of the coast governed by the cacique Chuchama, 
who had massacred Bernardo Morales and his com- 
panions. Nunez coming suddenly upon the dwelling 
of the cacique, the Indians sallied forth to defend 
their homes, but were routed with great loss. Nunez 
then re-embarked and returned to Isla Rica. While 
occupied here in completing the building of his bri- 
gantines, a rumour reached him that a new governor 
named Lope de Sosa was coming out from Spain to 
supersede Pedrarias. Upon a consultation between 
Nunez and several of his confidential officers, it was 
agreed that a trusty person should be sent to Ada 
under pretence of procuring munitions for the ships. 
Should he find Pedrarias in quiet possession of the 
government, he was to account to him for the delay 
of the expedition ; to request that the time allotted to 
it might be extended, and ask for reinforcements and 
supplies. Should he find however that a new go- 
vernor was actually arrived, he was to return imme- 
diately with the tidings.* 

" The person entrusted with the reconnoitering expedi- 
tion to Ada, was Andres Garabito, in whose fidelity and 
discretion, Vasco Nunez had implicit confidence. His con- 
fidence was destined to be fatally deceived. According to 
the assertions of contemporaries, this Garabito cherished a 
secret and vindictive enmity against his commander, ari- 

* Voyages of Companions of Columbus, p. 255 to 261. 



CHAP. XXX.J PERFIDY OF ANDRES GARABITO. 273 

sing from a simple but a natural cause, Vasco Nunez had 
continued to have a fondness for the Indian damsel, daugh- 
ter of the cacique Careta, whom he had received from her 
father as a pledge of amity. Some dispute arose concern- 
ing her on one occasion between him and Garabito, in the 
course of which he expressed himself in severe and galling 
language. Garabito was deeply mortified at some of his 
expressions, and, being of a malignant spirit, determined on 
a dastardly revenge. He wrote privately to Pedrarias, as- 
suring him that Vasco Nunez had no intention of solemni- 
zing his marriage with his daughter, being completely un- 
der the influence of an Indian paramour ,• that he made use 
of the friendship of Pedrarias merely to further his own sel- 
fish views, intending, as soon as his ships were ready, to 
throw off all allegiance, and to put to sea as an independent 
commander. 

" This mischievous letter, Garabito had written imme- 
diately after the last departure of Vasco Nunez from Ada. 
Its eff'ects upon the proud and jealous spirit of the gover- 
nor may easily be conceived. All his former suspicions 
were immediately revived. They acquired strength during 
a long interval that elapsed without tidings being received 
from the expedition. There were designing and prejudiced 
persons at hand, who perceived and quickened these jealous 
feelings of the governor. Among these was the Bachelor 
Corral, who cherished a deep grudge against Vasco Nunez 
for having once thrown him into prison for his factious con- 
duct ; and Alonzo de la Puente, the royal treasurer, whom 
Vasco Nunez had aff'ronted by demanding the repayment of 
a loan. Such was the tempest that was gradually gather- 
ing in the factious little colony of Darien. 

" The subsequent conduct of Garabito gives much con- 
firmation to the charge of perfidy that has been advanced 
against him. When he arrived at Ada, he found that Pe- 
drarias remained in possession of the government ; for his 
35 



274 HYPOCRISY OF PEDRARIAS. [BOOK I. 

intended successor had died in the very harbour. The con- 
duct and conversation of Garabito was such as to arouse 
suspicions ; he was arrested, and his papers and letters were 
sent to Pedrarias. When examined, he readily suffered 
himself to be wrought upon by threats of punishment and 
promises of pardon, and revealed all that he knew, and de- 
clared still more that he suspected and surmised, of the 
plans and intentions of Vasco Nunez. 

" The arrest of Garabito, and the seizure of his letters, 
produced a great agitation at Darien. It was considered a 
revival of the ancient animosity between the governor and 
Vasco Nunez, and the friends of the latter trembled for his 
safety. 

" Hernando de Arguello, especially, was in great alarm. 
He had embarked the most of his fortune in the expedi- 
tion, and the failure of it would be ruinous to him. He 
wrote to Vasco Nunez, informing him of the critical pos- 
ture of affairs, and urging him to put to sea without delay. 
He would be protected at all events, he said, by the Jero- 
nimite Fathers at San Domingo, who were at that time all- 
powerful in the new world, and who regarded his expedi- 
tion as calculated to promote the glory of God as well as 
the dominion of the king.* This letter fell into the hands 
of Pedrarias, and convinced him of the existence of a dan- 
gerous plot against his authority. He immediately ordered 
Arguello to be arrested ; and now devised means to get 
Vasco Nunez within his power. While the latter remained 
on the shores of the South Sea with his brigantines and his 



*In consequence of the eloquent repie- take all proper measures for the good go- 

sentations made to the Spanish govern- vernment, religious instruction, and effec- 

ment by the venerable Las Casas, of the tual protection of the natives. The exer- 

cruel wrongs and oppressions practised cise of their powers at San Domingo made 

upon the Indians in the colonies, the Car- a great sensation in the new world, and, 

dinal Ximenes, in J516, sent out three Je- for a time, had a beneficial effect in check- 

ronimite Friars, chosen for their zeal and ing the oppressive and licentious conduct 

abilities, clothed with full powers to in- of the colonists, 
quire into and remedy all abuses, and to 



CHAP. XXX.] HYPOCRISY OF PEDRARIAS. 275 

band of hearty and devoted followers, Pedrarias knew that 
it would be in vain to attempt to take him by force. Dis- 
sembling his suspicions and intentions, therefore, he wrote 
to him in the most amicable terms, requesting him to repair 
immediately to Ada, as he wished to hold a conference with 
him about the impending expedition. Fearing, however, 
that Vasco Nunez might suspect his motives and refuse to 
comply, he at the same time ordered Francisco Pizarro to 
muster all the armed force he could collect, and to seek and 
arrest his late patron and commander wherever he might be 
found. 

" So great was the terror inspired by the arrest of Argu- 
ello, and by the general violence of Pedrarias, that, though 
Vasco Nunez was a favourite with the great mass of the 
people, no one ventured to warn him of the danger that at- 
tended his return to Ada."* 

When Vasco Nuiiez received the hypocritical letter 
of Pedrarias inviting him to an interview at Ada, it 
awakened no suspicion in his breast. Leaving his 
ships in command of Francisco Companon, he de- 
parted immediately to meet the governor at Ada, un- 
attended by any armed force. f 

" The messengers who had brought the letter maintained 
at first a cautious silence as to the events which had trans- 
pired at Darien. They were gradually won, however, by 
the frank and genial manners of Vasco Nunez, and grieved 
to see so gallant a soldier hurrying into the snare. Having 
crossed the mountains and drawn near to Ada, their kind 
feelings got the better of their caution, and they revealed 
the true nature of their errand, and the hostile intentions 
of Pedrarias, Vasco Nunez was struck with astonishment 
at the recital ; but, being unconscious, it is said, of any evil 

* Voyages of Companions of Columbus, p. 268 to 265. f Id. 266, 7. 



276 ARREST OF NUNEZ. [book i. 

intention, he could scarcely credit this sudden hostility in a 
man who had but recently promised him his daughter in 
marriage. He imagined the whole to be some groundless 
jealousy which his own appearance would dispel, and ac- 
cordingly continued on his journey. He had not proceeded 
far, however, when he was met by a band of armed men, 
led by Francisco Pizarro. The latter stepped forward to 
arrest his ancient commander. Vasco Nunez paused for a 
moment, and regarded him with a look of reproachful asto- 
nishment. ' How is this, Francisco,' exclaimed he. ' Is 
this the way you have been accustomed to receive me ?' 
Offering no further remonstrance, he suffered himself qui- 
etly to be taken prisoner by his former adherent, and con- 
ducted in chains to Ada. Here he was thrown into prison, 
and Bartolome Hurtado, once his favourite officer, was sent 
to take command of his squadron."* 

•* Voyages of Companions of Columbus, p. 267, 8. 



CHAP. XXXI.] TRIAL OF VASCO NUNEZ. 277 



CHAPTER XXXI. 

Of the trial and execution in 1517 of Vasco Nunez de Balboa, the dis- 
coverer of the Pacific Ocean. 

" Don Pedrarias concealed his exultation at the success 
of the stratagem by which he had ensnared his generous 
and confiding rival. He even visited him in prison, and 
pretended deep concern at being obliged to treat him with 
this temporary rigour, attributing it entirely to certain ac- 
cusations lodged against him by the treasurer Alonzo de 
la Puente, which his official situation compelled him to no- 
tice and investigate. 

' Be not afflicted, however, my son !' said the hypocrite, 
'an investigation will, doubtless, not merely establish your 
innocence, but serve to render your zeal and loyalty towards 
your sovereign still more conspicuous.' 

" While Pedrarias assumed this soothing tone towards his 
prisoner, he urged the Alcalde Mayor Espinosa to proceed 
against him with the utmost rigour of the law. 

"The charge brought against him of a treasonable con- 
spiracy to cast off all allegiance to the crown, and to as- 
sume an independegt sway on the borders of the southern 
sea, was principally supported by the confessions of Andres 
Garabito. The evidence is also cited of a soldier, who stood 
sentinel one night near the quarters of Vasco Nunez, on 
Isia Rica, and who, being driven to take shelter from the 
rain under the eaves of the house, overheard a conversation 
between that commander and certain of his officers, wherein 
they agreed to put to sea with the squadron on their own 
account, and to set the governor at defiance. This testi- 



278 TRIAL OF VASCO NUNEZ. [book I. 

mony, according to Las Casas, arose from a misconstruction 
on the part of the sentinel, who only heard a portion of 
their conversation, relating to their intention of sailing, 
without waiting for orders, in case a new governor should 
arrive to supersede Pedrarias. 

" The governor in the meantime informed himself from 
day to day and hour to hour, of the progress of the trial, 
and, considering the evidence sufficiently strong to warrant 
his personal hostility, he now paid another visit to his pri- 
soner, and, throwing off all affectation of kmdness, up- 
braided him in the most passionate manner. 

" • Hitherto,' said he, ' I have treated you as a son, be- 
cause I thought you loyal to your king, and to me as his 
representative ; but as 1 find you have meditated rebellion 
against the crown of Castile, I cast you oif from my affec- 
tions, and shall henceforth treat you as an enemy.' 

" Vasco Nuiiez indignantly repelled the charge, and ap- 
pealed to the confiding frankness of his conduct as a proof 
of innocence. 'Had I been conscious of my guilt,' said 
he, ' what could have induced me to come here and put 
myself into your hands? Had I meditated rebellion, what 
prevented me from carrying it into effect ? I had four ships 
ready to weigh anchor, three hundred brave men at my 
command, and an open sea before me. What had I to do 
but to spread sail and press forward ? There was no doubt 
of finding a land, whether rich or poor, sufficient for me 
and mine, far beyond the reach of yojir control. In the 
innocence of my heart, however, I came here promptly, at 
your mere request, and my reward is slander, indignity and 
chains !' 

" The noble and ingenuous appeal of Vasco Nuiiez had 
no effect on the prejudiced feelings of the governor; on 
the contrary, he was but the more exasperated against his 
prisoner, and ordered that his irons should be doubled. 



CHAP. XXXI.] TRIAL OF VASCO NUNEZ. 279 

" The trial was now urged by him with increased eager- 
ness. Lest the present accusation should not he sufficient 
to effect the ruin of his victim, the old inquest into his con- 
duct as governor, which had remained suspended for many 
years, was revived, and he was charged anew with the 
wrongs inflicted on the Bachelor Enciso, and with the 
death of the unfortunate Nicuesa. 

"Notwithstanding all these charges, the trial went on 
slowly, with frequent delays ; for the alcalde mayor, Gas- 
par de Espinosa, seems to have had but little relish for the 
task assigned him, and to have needed frequent spurring 
from the eager and passionate governor. He probably con- 
sidered the accused as technically guilty, though innocent 
of all intentional rebellion, but was ordered to decide ac- 
cording to the strict letter of the law. He therefore at 
length gave a reluctant verdict against Vasco Nunez, but 
recommended him to mercy, on account of his great ser- 
vices, or entreated that, at least, he might be permitted to 
appeal. 'No!' said the unrelenting Pedrarias, 'if he has 
merited death, let him suffer death !' He accordingly con- 
demned him to be beheaded. The same sentence was 
passed upon several of his officers, who were implicated in 
his alleged conspiracy ; among these was Hernando de Ar- 
guello, who had written the letter to Vasco Nunez, inform- 
ing him of the arrest of his messenger, and advising him 
to put to sea, without heeding the hostility of Pedrarias. 
As to the perfidious informer Garabito, he was pardoned 
and set at liberty."* 

" It was a day of gloom and horror at Ada, when Vasco 
Nunez and his companions were led forth to execution. 
The populace were moved to tears at the unhappy fate of 
a man, whose gallant deeds had excited their admiration, 
and whose generous qualities had won their hearts. Most 
of them regarded him as the victim of a jealous tyrant : 

* Voyages of Companions of Columbus, p. 269 to 272. 



280 EXECUTION OF VASCO NUNEZ. [book I. 

and even those who thonght him guilty, saw something 
brave and brilliant in the very crime imputed to him. 
Such, however, was the general dread inspired by the se- 
vere measures of Pedrarias, that no one dared to lift up his 
voice, either in murmur or remonstrance. 

" The public crier walked before Vasco Nunez, proclaim- 
ing, ' This is the punishment inflicted by command of the 
king and his lieutenant, Don Pedrarias Davila, on this man,, 
as a traitor and an usurper of the territories of the crown." 

" When Vasco Nunez heard these words, he exclaimed 
indignantly, ' It is false ! never did such a crime enter my 
mind. I have ever served my king with truth and loyalty, 
and sought to augment his dominions." 

" These words were of no avail in his extremity, but 
they were fully believed by the populace. 

" The execution took place in the public square of Ada ; 
and we are assured by the historian Oviedo, who was in 
the colony at the time, that the cruel Pedrarias was a secret 
witness of the bloody spectacle, which he contemplated 
from between the reeds of the wall of a house, about twelve 
paces from the scaffold !* 

''Vasco Nunez was the first to suffer death. Having 
confessed himself and partaken of the sacrament, he as- 
cended the scaffold with a firm step and a calm and manly 
demeanour; and laying his head upon the block, it was 
severed in an instant from his body. Three of his officers. 
Valderrabano, Botello, and Hernan Munos, were in like 
manner brought one by one to the block, and the day had 
nearly expired before the last of them was executed. 

" One victim still remained. It was Hernando de Argu- 
ello, who had been condemned as an accomplice, for having 
written the intercepted letter. 

" The populace could no longer restrain their feelings. 
They had not dared to intercede for Vasco Nunez, knowing 

* Oviedo, Hist. Ind. p. 9, c. 9, M^. 



CHAP. XXXI.] EXECUTION or VASCO NUNEZ. 281 

the implacable enmity of Pedrarias ; but they now sought 
the governor, and throwing themselves at his feet, entreated 
that this man might be spared, as he had taken no active 
part in the alleged treason. The daylight, they said, was 
at an end, and it seemed as if God had hastened the night, 
to prevent the execution. 

'' The stern heart of Pedrarias was not to be touched. 
' No,' said he, * I would sooner die myself than spare one 
of them.' The unfortunate Arguello was led to the block. 
The brief tropical twilight was past, and in the gathering 
gloom of the night the operations on the scaffold could not 
be distinguished. The multitude stood listening in breath- 
less silence, until the stroke of the executioner told that all 
was accomplished. They then dispersed to their homes 
with hearts filled with grief and bitterness, and a night of 
lamentation succeeded to this day of horrors. 

" The vengeance of Pedrarias was not satisfied with the 
death of his victim ; he confiscated his property and dis- 
honoured his remains, causing his head to be placed upon 
a pole and exposed for several days in the public square.* 

" Thus perished, in his forty-second year, in the prime 
and vigour of his days and the full career of his glory, one 
of the most illustrious and deserving of the Spanish disco- 
verers — a victim to the basest and most perfidious envy."f 

From the statement of the French editor referred 
to on page 255, it might be inferred that Oviedo left 
Darien in 1515. Mr. Irving, it will be perceived, 
speaks of him as in the colony when Nunez was exe- 
cuted. Supposing this to be so, it must have been 
1517 before he went to Saint Domingo and thence to 
Spain. 

* Oviedo, ubi sup. f Voyages of Companions of Columbus, p. 275, 6. 

36 



282 VOYAGE TO CORIANA IN 1517. [book i. 



CHAPTER XXXII. 

Of the voyage of Juan de Ampies to Coriana in 1517 ; and the building 
of the town of Coro ; also of Oviedo, the celebrated historian. 

Pedro Alonzo Nino, in the voyage mentioned in 
the tenth chapter, coasted to an Indian village 
named Coriana. When famine and bad treatment 
had destroyed the greatest part of the population of 
Hayti, and they began to be in want of slaves to 
work in the mines, vessels from that isle went to dif- 
ferent parts of Terra Firma and took all the Indians 
they could, and carried them to be sold at Saint Do- 
mingo. There these unhappy beings perished by 
thousands. At length the abuse became so great, 
that the authorities of Saint Domingo sent into the 
province in which Coriana was Juan de Ampies, a3 
governor, to found an establishment there and pro- 
tect the natives. Ampies set out with a vessel and 
sixty men : he disembarked at Coriana in 1517, and 
formed an aUiance with Mannaure, the prirxipal ca- 
cique of the Caquetios, who inhabited this province ; 
an alliance so respected by the Indians, says Father 
Simon, that notwithstanding the bad treatment and 
cruelties of the Spaniards, they could not bring them- 
selves to break it. In the place of Coriana, Ampies 
built a town named Coro, which was soon peopled by 
a great number of Spanish adventurers, drawn from 
all quarters by the rumor of the riches of this country. 



CHAP, sxxii.] OVIEDOj THE HISTORIAN. 283 

In 1519, under the emperor's orders Gonzalo Fer- 
nandez de Oviedo returned to America to take part 
in the confiscations of the property of Vasco Nunez, 
which amounted to a large sum. He arrived the 
24th of June 1520, at the port of Darien. After 
losing here his wife and a son, he went to Panama to 
join Pedrarias, who afterwards made him governor of 
Darien. He returned to Spain in 1523. It was 
about this time that he pubhshed the first edition of 
his History of Nicaragua. In 1526, Oviedo set out 
again for America. He joined at Nicaragua Pedro 
Lopes de Salcedo, and became governor of Cartha- 
gena. In 1535, he was alcaid of Saint Domingo, 
and historiographer of the Indias, He died in 1557 
at Valladolid, at the age of 69 years. 

This chapter is taken from the preface to his His- 
tory of Nicaragua, and from the preface to a volume 
entitled " Belle et agreable narration du premier voy- 
age de Nicolas Federmann le Jeune, d' Ulm aux indes 
de la mer Oceane et de tont cequi lui est arrive dans 
a pays jusqu'a son retour en espagne ecrite brieve- 
ment, et divertissante a lire." Both volumes have 
been republished at Paris, by Henri Ternaux, in his 
collection of voyages, relations and memoirs ; the 
prefaces of the French editor are those from which 
this chapter is taken. 



284 DISCOVERY OF YUCATAN IN 1517. [book I. 



CHAPTER XXXIII. 

Of the discovery of Yucatan by Francisco Hernandez de Cordova in 
1517; tlie voyage thither of Juan de Grijalva in 1518; the rescue 
there in 1519, by Hernando Cortez of Jeronimo de Aguilar, one of 
the companions of Valdivia, whose vessel was stranded on that coast 
several years before ; and the famous voyage of Magellan. 

Several years had elapsed in the manner mentioned 
in chapter twenty-fourth, when in 1517 intelligence 
was brought to the province where Aguilar was, of the 
arrival on the neighbouring coast of great vessels of 
wonderful construction, filled with white and bearded 
men. It was in fact the squadron of Francisco Her- 
nandez de Cordova. Yucatan was discovered this 
year by him, and by the pilot Juan Alaminos, a native 
of Palos, who had accompanied Columbus in his 
fourth voyage. Cordova was for some time along 
the coast of Yucatan, and lost many men in his dif- 
ferent rencontres with the natives. The heart of Je- 
ronimo de Aguilar beat quick with hope when he 
heard of European ships at hand. He was distant 
from the coast however, and was too closely watched 
by the Indians to have any chance of escape. After 
Cordova left this coast, he was driven by a storm 
upon the shore of Florida: thence he returned to 
Cuba, where he died ten days after his arrival.* 



* Voyages of Companions of Columbus, p. 283. " Recueil de pieces relatives a la con- 
quete du Mexique." See note at the end of next paragraph. 



CHAP. xxxni.] grijalva's VOYAGE TO Yucatan; 1518. 285 

A new expedition was determined on. Diego Ve- 
lasquez chose to command it Juan de Grijalva, a 
native of Cuellar, who had distinguished himself in 
several expeditions against the Indians of Cuba. On 
the first of March 1518,* his fleet set out from Cuba. 
He saw on the 4th houses on a promontory, and gave 
to this land the name of Saint Croix. The next day 
he reconnoitered the coast of Yucatan and the isle of 
Cuzamil. In the account of this voyage it is men- 
tioned that some Indians, among whom was the chief 
of their village, approaching the vessels, the Spaniards 
asked news of the christians whom Francisco Her- 
nandez had left in Yucatan, and was told in reply that 
one of them was dead and the other still ahve ; that 
they followed the coast to find the survivor, and on 
the 6th, went on land, but at first saw no one ; that 
they mounted upon a tower there with a circum- 
ference of one hundred and eighty feet, planted the 
standard upon one of the fronts, and took possession 
in the name of the king ; that afterwards they saw 
some Indians and went into their village ; that amongst 
the houses were five well constructed, with a base 
very large and massive, and surmounted by turrets ; 
that the village vi^as paved with hollow stones, the 
streets rising at the sides and descending in the mid- 
dle, which was paved entirely with large stones ; that 
the sides were occupied by the houses of the inhabi- 
tants, constructed of stones from the foundation to 
half the height of the walls, and covered with straw ; 
and that judging by the buildings, these Indians were 
very ingenious. Other villages are described on the 

* The date given by some others is April, and by one January 1518. 



286 ARCHITECTURE OF YUCATAN IN 1518. [Book i. 

coast ; one so large that Seville would not have ap- 
peared more considerable nor better. And mention 
is made of a very beautiful tower on a point of land 
which they were told was inhabited by women who 
lived without men. They went to see the cacique 
Lazaro, who had given an honourable reception to 
Francisco Hernandez. The Indians seem however 
not to have desired their company ; they told them 
to quit the country, and this not being done quick 
enough there was a passage of arms, in which forty 
of the Spaniards were wounded and one killed. The 
Spaniards re-embarked and quitted the country of 
this cacique the 29th of March. The last day of 
May they discovered a very good port, to which they 
gave the name of Port Desire. Here they made 
some cabins of boughs, and remained twelve days. 
After which they went to reconnoiter another country 
named Mulua, which having done they proceeded on 
their route the first day of July. They saw a large 
river, from which sweet water goes into the sea for 
six miles : they gave to it the name of the river of 
Grijalva : the province was named Protonta. They 
saw a river having two mouths, out of which came 
sweet water ; and they gave to it the name of Saint 
Barnabas, because they arrived the day of the feast 
of this saint. Near the mountains they anchored at 
a little isle, to which they gave the name of the Isle 
of Sacrafices. They saw some very high edifices 
built with hme, and a monument like a round tower, 
fifteen steps broad ; at its summit was a block of mar- 
ble, such as is found in Castile, surmounted by an 
animal Hke a lion, sculptured in marble, in whose 



CHAP, xxxiii] HERNANDO CORTEZ. 287 

head there was a hole wherein to put perfumes. The 
natives in different parts of Yucatan wore cotton 
cloth. They gave to the Spaniards vases of gold 
and mantles or coverings of cotton, so woven as to 
represent figures of birds and animals of different 
kinds. They are described as being very civihzed, 
and as having laws, and public edifices dedicated to 
the administration of justice. This account is stated 
to have been published in Itahan at Venice in 1522.* 

The hopes of Jeronimo de Aguilar had been re- 
vived by the arrival of the ships just mentioned, but 
the watchfulness of the Indians prevented him from 
attempting to escape.f 

Velasquez, dissatisfied with Grijalva for not having 
founded any establishment in so rich a country, gave 
him a bad reception, and refused him the command 
of a new expedition. He made Hernando Cortez 
the commander of it. Grijalva, after this, was at 
Saint Domingo in 1523, living in a miserable manner. 
He went then to Terra Firma to join Pedrarias 
Davila, and was sent by him to Nicaragua, where he 
was killed, as well as many others, in a revolt of the 
Indians of the valley of Ulanchos.J 

" Seven years had gone by since Aguilar's capture, and he 
had given up all hopes of being restored to his country and 



*The title of the publication is, " Itine- This volume is one of the " Voyages, re- 

raire du voyage de la flotte du roi catho- lations et mfemoires originaux pour servir a 

lique L'ile de Yuratan Dans L'Inde. Fait I'hisioire de la decouverte de L'Ainerique, 

en I'an 1518, sous les ordres du capitaine publi6s pour la premii5re fois en Frani^^ats, 

g6n6ral Juan de Grijalva, Rfedige et dedie par H. Ternaux-Coinpans," at Paris in 

i S. A., par le chapelain en chef de ladite 1838. 

flotte." It forms a part of " Recueil de f Voyages of Companions of Columbus, 

pieces relatives a la conquete du Mexique;" p. 283. 

in which volume there are nine other , J Preface to " Recueil de pieces rela- 

pieces, for the most part not edited before. lives a la conquete du Mexique." 



288 JERONIMO DE AGUILAR. [book i. 

friends, when, in 1519, there arrived one day at the village 
three Indians, natives of the small island of Cozumel, which 
lies a few leagues in the sea, opposite the eastern coast of 
Yucatan. They brought tidings of another visit of white 
bearded men to their shores, and one of them delivered a 
letter to Aguilar, which, being entirely naked, he had con- 
cealed it in the long tresses of his hair which were bound 
round his head. 

"Aguilar received the letter with wonder and delight, 
and read it in presence of the cacique and his warriors. It 
proved to be from Hernando Cortes, who was at that time 
on his great expedition, which ended in the conquest of 
Mexico. He had been obliged by stress of weather to an- 
chor at the island of Cozumel, where he learned from the 
natives, that several white men were detained in captivity 
among the Indians on the neighbouring coast of Yucatan. 
Finding it impossible to approach the main land with his 
ships, he prevailed upon three of the islanders, by means 
of gifts and promises, to venture upon an embassy among 
their cannibal neighbours, and to convey a letter to the 
captive white men. Two of the smallest caravels of the 
squadron were sent under the command of Diego de Ordas, 
who was ordered to land the three messengers at the point 
of Cotoche, and to wait there eight days for their return. 

" The letter brought by these envoys informed the Chris- 
tian captives of the force and destination of the squadron 
of Cortes, and of his having sent the caravels to wait for 
them at the point of Cotoche, with a ransom for their deli- 
verance, inviting them to hasten and join him at Cozumel. 

" The transport of Aguilar on first reading the letter, was 
moderated when he reflected on the obstacles that might 
prevent him from profiting by this chance of deliverance. 
He had made himself too useful to the cacique to hope that 
he would readily give him his liberty, and he knew the jea- 
lous and irritable nature of the savages too well not to fear 



CHAP. XXXIII.] JERONIMO DE AGUILAR. 289 

that even an application for leave to depart might draw 
upon him the severest treatment. He endeavoured, there- 
fore, to operate upon the cacique through his apprehensions. 
To this end he informed him that the piece of paper which 
he held in his hand brought him a full account of the 
mighty armament that had arrived on the coast. He de- 
scribed the number of the ships and various particulars con- 
cerning the squadron, all which were amply corroborated 
by the testimony of the messengers. The cacique and his 
warriors were astonished at this strange mode of conveying 
intelligence from a distance, and regarded the letter as 
something mysterious and supernatural. Aguilar went on 
to relate the tremendous and superhuman powers of the 
people in these ships, who, armed with thunder and light- 
ning, wreaked destruction on all who displeased them, while 
they dispensed inestimable gifts and benefits on such as 
proved themselves their friends. He, at the same time 
spread before the cacique various presents brought by the 
messengers, as specimens of the blessings to be expected 
from the friendship of the strangers. The intimation was 
effectual. The cacique was filled with awe at the recital 
of the terrific powers of the white men, and his eyes were 
dazzled by the glittering trinkets displayed before him. 
He entreated Aguilar, therefore, to act as his embassador 
and mediator, and to secure him the amity of the strangers. 
" Aguilar saw with transport the prospect of a speedy 
deliverance. In this moment of exultation, he bethought 
himself of the only surviving comrade of his past fortunes, 
Gonsalo Guerrero, and, sending the letter of Cortes to him, 
invited him to accompany him in his escape. The sturdy 
seaman was at this time a great chieftain in his province, 
and his Indian bride had borne him a numerous progeny. 
His heart, however, yearned after his native country, and 
he might have been tempted to leave his honours and dig- 
nities, his infidel wife and half savage offspring behind 
37 



290 JERONIMO DE AGUILAR. [book i. 

him, but an insuperable, though somewhat ludicrous, obsta- 
cle presented itself to his wishes. Having long since 
given over all expectation of a return to civilized life, he 
had conformed to the customs of the country, and had 
adopted the external signs and decorations that marked 
him as a warrior and a man of rank. His face and hands 
were indelibly painted or tattooed; his ears and lips were 
slit to admit huge Indian ornaments, and his nose was 
drawn down almost to his mouth by a massy ring of gold, 
and a dangling jewel. 

"Thus curiously garbled and disfigured, the honest sea- 
man felt, that however he might be admired in Yucatan, 
he should be apt to have the rabble at his heels in Spain. 
He made up his mind, therefore, to remain a great man 
among the savages, rather than run the risk of being shown 
as a man-monster at home. 

" Finding that he declined accompanying him, Jeronimo 
de Aguilar set off for the point of Cotoche, escorted by 
three Indians. The time he had lost in waiting for Guer- 
rero had nearly proved fatal to his hopes, for when he ar- 
rived at the point, the caravels sent by Cortes had departed, 
though several crosses of reeds set up in different places 
gave tokens of the recent presence of Christians. 

"The only hope that remained, was, that the squadron 
of Cortes might yet linger at the opposite island of Cozu- 
rael ; but how was he to get there ? While wandering 
disconsolately along the shore, he found a canoe, half bu- 
ried in sand and water, and with one side in a state of de- 
cay ; with the assistance of the Indians he cleaned it, and 
set it afloat, and on looking further he found the stave of a 
hogshead which might serve for a paddle. It was a frail 
embarkation in which to cross an arm of the sea, several 
leagues wide, but there was no alternative. Prevailing on 
the Indians to accompany him, he launched forth in the 
canoe and coasted the main land until he came to the nar- 



CHAP, xxxiil.] JERONIMO DE AGUILAR. 291 

lowest part of the strait, where it was but four leagues 
across; here he stood directly for Cozumel, contending, as 
well as he was able, with a strong current, and at length 
succeeded in reaching the island. 

" He had scarce landed, when a party of Spaniards, who 
had been lying in wait, rushed forth from their conceal- 
ment, sword in hand. The three Indians would have fled, 
but Aguilar reassured them, and calling out to the Spa- 
niards in their own language, assured them that he was a 
Christian. Then, throwing himself upon his knees, and 
raising his eyes, streaming with tears to heaven, he gave 
thanks to God for having restored him to his countrymen. 

" The Spaniards gazed at him with astonishment : from 
his language he was evidently a Castilian, but to all ap- 
pearance he was an Indian. He was perfectly naked ; wore 
his hair braided round his head in the manner of the coun- 
try, and his complexion was burnt by the sun to a tawny 
colour. He had a bow in his hand, a quiver at his shoul- 
der, and a net-work pouch at his side, in which he carried 
his provisions. 

" The Spaniards proved to be a reconnoitering party, 
sent out by Cortes to watch the approach of the canoe, 
which had been descried coming from Yucatan. Cortes 
had given up all hopes of being joined by the captives, the 
caravel having waited the allotted time at Cotoche, and re- 
turned without news of them. He had, in fact, made sail 
to prosecute his voyage, but fortunately one of his ships 
had sprung a leak, which had obliged him to return to the 
island. 

" When Jeronimo de Aguilar and his companions arrived 
in presence of Cortes, who was surrounded by his officers, 
they made a profound reverence, squatted on the ground, 
laid their bows and arrows beside them, and touching their 
right hands, wet with spittle on the ground, rubbed them 
about the region of the heart, such being their sign of the 
most devoted submission. 



292 JERONIMO DE AGUILAR. [BOOK I. 

" Cortes greeted Aguilar with a hearty welcome, and rais- 
ing him from the earth, took from his own person a large 
yellow mantle lined with crimson, and threw it over his 
shoulders. The latter, however, had for so long a time 
gone entirely naked, that even this scanty covering was at 
first almost insupportable, and he had become so accustomed 
to the diet of the natives, that he found it difficult to re- 
concile his stomach to the meat and drink set before him. 

'•' When he had sufficiently recovered from the agitation 
of his arrival among Christians, Cortes drew from him the 
particulars of his story, and found that he was related to 
one of his own friends, the licentiate Marcos de Aguilar. 
He treated him, therefore, with additional kindness and re- 
spect, and retained him about his person to aid him as an 
interpreter in his great Mexican expedition. 

" The happiness of Jeronimo de Aguilar at once more 
being restored to his countrymen, was doomed to suffer 
some alloy from the disasters that had happened in his fa- 
mily. Peter Martyr records a touching anecdote of the 
effect that had been produced upon his mother by the 
tidings of his misfortune. A vague report had reached her 
in Spain, that her son had fallen into the hands of canni- 
bals. All the horrible tales that circulated in Spain, con- 
cerning the treatment of these savages to their prisoners, 
rushed to her imagination, and she went distracted. When- 
ever she beheld roasted meat, or flesh upon the spit, she 
would fill the house with her outcries. ' Oh, wretched 
mother ! oh most miserable of women !' would she ex- 
claim, ' behold the limbs of my murdered son.'* 

" It is to be hoped, that the tidings of his deliverance 
had a favourable effect upon her intellects, and that she 
lived to rejoice at his after fortunes. He served Hernando 
Cortez with great courage and ability throughout his Mexi- 
can conquests, acting sometimes as a soldier, sometimes as 

* p. Martyr, decad. 4, c. 6. 



CHAP. XXSIII.] VOYAGE OF MAGELLAN. 293 

interpreter and ambassador to the Indians, and in reward of 
his fidelity and services, was appointed regidor, or civil go- 
vernor of the City of Mexico."* 

At this period Mr. Irving closes his narrative of 
the Voyages and Discoveries of the Companions of 
Columbus. The period is deemed suitable for ending 
this account of discoveries in the vilest generally. 
The present volume, from its nature, is not one in 
v^^hich it would be suitable to draw further from the 
collection of pieces relative to the conquest of Mexico, 
or to narrate the horrible cruelties of the conquerors 
of that country. These are appropriate to a History 
of Mexico, and have been the subject of interesting 
works.f 

The famous voyage of Fernando de Magalhaens 
or Magellan, the Portuguese navigator, cannot how- 
ever be allowed to pass wholly unnoticed. He had 
served under Albuquerque in the East Indias, and dis- 
tinguished himself, especially at the taking of Ma- 
lacca in 1510. Entering afterwards in the service of 



* Voyages of Companions of Columbus, " Craut§s Horribles des conqu6rants du 

p. 284 to 289. Mexique, et Des Indiens qui las aiderent 

t Several of these are in the collection of a soiimettre cet empire a la couronne d'Es- 

Voyages, Relations and Memoirs published pagne, Memoire de don Fernando D'Alva 

at Paris in 1838 by II. Ternaux, to wit : Ixtlilxfichitl ; supplement a I'histoire du 

Rapport sur les differentes classes de pere Sahagun, publie et dedieau gouverne- 

chefs de la Nouvelle-Espagne sur les lois, ment supreme de la confederation mexi- 

les moBurs des habitants, sur les impots es- caine, par Charles-Marie de Bustamente j" 

table's avant et depu is la conquete etc. etc. printed at Mexico in 1829. 

Par Alonzo de Zurita ex-auditeur a I'au- We have had also in the United States a 

dience royale de Mexico. " History of the Conquest of Mexico, with 

HistoiredesChichimequesoudesanciens a preliminary view of the ancient Mexi- 

rois de Tezcuco, par Fernando D'Alva Ix- can civilization, and the Life of the Con- 

tlilx6chitl traduit sur le manuscrit es- queror Hernando Cortes, by William H. 

pagnol premiere et seconde partie. Prescott, author of the History of Ferdi- 

Premier et second recueilde pieces sur Le nand and Isabella. In three volumes;" 

Mexique in^dites. eighth edition, published at New York in 

1847. 



294 VOYAGE OF MAGELLAN. [BOOK i. 

Charles the Fifth, he was entrusted by him with the 
command of a fleet to explore a passage to the Mo- 
lucco islands, by sailing westward. He commenced 
his voyage the 20th of September 1519, entered 
about the end of October 1520 the straits since called 
after him, and on the 27th of November discovered 
the Pacific Ocean. Continuing his cruise, he arrived 
at the Ladrone islands, and subsequently at the Philip- 
pines, on one of which he lost his life in a skirmish 
with the natives in 1521. This brief allusion to Ma- 
gellan must suffice. 

The plan of this work makes it necessary, gradually 
as we come down, in point of time, to circumscribe 
the locality of the voyages of which it treats. The 
next book will be of those on the Atlantic coast of 
North America. 



BOOK II, 



VOYAGES TO AND ALONG THE ATLANTIC COAST OF 
NORTH AMERICA FROM 1520 TO 1573. 



CHAPTER I. 

Of the voyages of Luke Vasquez d' Aylon to Florida in 1520 and 1524 ; 
and tliat of Juan Ponce de Leon in 1521. 

After Florida came into possession of the English, 
a small volume, of one hundred and two pages, was 
published at London in 1763, entitled 

" An account of the first discovery and natural history of 
Florida, with a particular detail of the several expeditions 
and descents made on that coast, collected from the best 
authorities, by William Roberts, illustrated by a general 
map and some particular plans, together with a geographi- 
cal description of that country by T. Jeffreys, geographer 
to his majesty." 

This account was published at a period when the 
settlement of Florida was under the consideration of 
the English government, and it was supposed would 
be of service to such ships as might be sent thither. 
Mr. Jeffreys considered his geographical description 
of the sea coast, in a much nearer degree accurate. 



296 VOYAGE OF VASQ,UEZ TO FLORIDA ; 1520. [BOOK II. 

than any then extant, as he had digested it from a 
considerable number of original Spanish and French 
charts, found on board of vessels of those nations, 
made prizes. The map is useful at the present day, 
as shewing the names by which places were then 
known. 

At page 27 of the volume of Mr. Roberts, is the 
following : 

"In the year 1520, Luke Vasquez of Aylon, a licentiate, 
being in want of hands to work in the mines, entered into 
a resolution, with some associates, to try if they could steal 
off a number of savages from the neighbouring islands, to 
be employed in this business. For this purpose they equip- 
ped two ships, and sailed out of the harbour of Plata, situ- 
ated on the north side of Hispaniola, and steered, either by 
chance or design, which it was is uncertain, a northwestern 
course, until they came to the most distant of the Lucayos 
islands ; and thence, to what was then part of Florida, in 
thiry-two degrees north latitude, now called St. Helena. 
At the sight of these ships making towards the shore with 
expanded sails, the amazed natives ran in crowds to view 
them, conceiving that they must be some monstrous fishes 
driven upon the coast; but, as soon as they saw men with 
beards and covered with clothing, land out of these floating 
mansions, they fled in a panic. The Spaniards, having 
stopped two of them, carried them off into their ships; 
where, after having entertained them with meat and drink, 
they sent them back again cloathed in the Spanish habit. 
The king of the country, admiring the dress, sent fifty of 
his people to the ships, with a present of various fruits and 
provisions ; and, not contented with doing this, he made a 
party of his subjects attend the Spaniards in the many ex- 
cursions into the neighbouring provinces, with which, at 
their request, he gratified their inclinations; where they 



CHAP. I.] VOYAGE OF JUAN PONCE TO FLORIDA J 1521. 297 

were presented with gold, plates of silver, pearls, &:.c., and 
received in the most hospitable manner. The Spaniards, 
having made their own observations, as they passed, upon 
the customs and manners of the inhabitants, the soil and 
climate, invited a large number of the natives (after they 
had watered their ships and were prepared for departure) to 
an entertainment on board their vessels ; where, having 
plied their guests well with liquor, they took that wicked 
opportunity to weigh anchor, and sail away with these un- 
happy deluded people towards Hispaniola. Many of the 
poor wretches pined to death with vexation, and from an 
obstinate refusal of food; the greater part of what re- 
mained, perished in one of the vessels that foundered at 
sea; and some of them, in vain appealing to the violated 
rights of hospitality, were hurried into a cruel and hopeless 
slavery. Yasquez, instead of the punishment due to so in- 
human and horrid a proceeding, expected and obtained of 
the king, the reward appointed for such as discovered new 
lands, together with the usual immunities they were en- 
titled to." 

Of the next expedition to Florida, we have an ac- 
count by Mr. Irving, at page 321 of his volume of 
Voyages and Discoveries of the Companions of Co- 
lumbus. Mentioning Juan Ponce de Leon, after he 
had returned from his enterprise against the Caribs 
to Porto Rico, Mr. Irving says of him : 

'= He continued for several years in that island, in a state 
of growling repose, until the brilliant exploits of Hernando 
Cortes, which threatened to eclipse the achievements of all 
the veteran discoverers, roused his dormant spirit. 

" Jealous of being cast in the shade in his old days, he 
determined to sally forth on one more expedition. He had 
heard that Florida, which he had discovered, and which he 
38 



298 VOYAGE OF JUAN PONCE TO FLORIDA ; 1521. [BOOK li. 

had hitherto considered a mere island, was part of Terra 
Firma, possessing vast and unknown regions in its bosom. 
If so, a grand field of enterprise lay before him, wherein 
he might make discoveries and conquests- to rival, if not 
surpass, the far-famed conquest of Mexico. 

"Accordingly, in the year 1521, he fitted out two ships 
at the island of Porto Rico, and embarked almost the 
whole of his property in the undertaking. His voyage was 
toilsome and tempestuous, but at length he arrived at the 
wished-for land. He made a descent upon the coast with 
a great part of his men, but the Indians sallied forth with 
unusual valour to defend their shores. A bloody battle en- 
sued, several of the Spaniards were slain, and Juan Ponce 
was wounded by an arrow, in the thigh. He was borne 
on board his ship, and finding himself disabled for further 
action, set sail for Cuba, where he arrived ill in body and 
dejected in heart. 

" He was of an age when there is no longer prompt and 
healthful reaction, either mental or corporeal. The irrita- 
tions of humiliated pride and disappointed hope, exaspe- 
rated the fever of his wound, and he died soon after his ar- 
rival at the island. ' Thus fate,' says one of the quaint 
old Spanish writers, ' delights to reverse the schemes of 
man. The discovery that Juan Ponce flattered himself 
was to lead to a means of perpetuating his life, had the ul- 
timate effect of hastening his death.' 

" It may be said, however, that he has, at least attained 
the shadow of his desire, since, though disappointed in ex- 
tending the natural term of his existence, his discovery has 
ensured a lasting duration to his name. 

" The following epitaph was inscribed upon his tomb, 
which does justice to the warrior qualities of the stout old 
cavalier : 

" Mole sub liac fortis requiescat ossa Leonis, 
Clui vicit factis nomina magna suis." 



CHAP.!.] VOYAGE OF VASqUEZ TO FLORIDA; 1524. 299 

•' It has thus been paraphrased in Spanish by the licen- 
tiate Juan de Castellanos : 

" Aqueste lugar estrecho 
Es sepulchro del varon, 
Que en el nombie fue Leon, 
Y mucho mas en el hecho." 

" ' In this sepulchre rest the bones of a man, who was a 
lion by name, and still more by nature.' " 

Of Luke Vasquez of Aylon, it is said by Roberts, 
at page 28, that after he had received a reward for 
what he had before done : 

" In the year 1.524, he sent more ships to Florida, and 
was so elated with the accounts he had from them, of the 
fertility of the soil, and the great plenty of gold, silver and 
pearls, to be found there, that he hastened thither himself 
tiie next year, with three ships ; but having lost one of 
them when near the cape of St. Helen, and two hundred 
of his people whom he had landed being entirely destroyed 
by the natives, more through their own negligence and su- 
pine security, than the bravery of the inhabitants ; disap- 
pointed of his wishes, and broken hearted, he returned back 
again to Hispaniola." 

This is not entirely consistent with what is found 
in Biedma's account of the expedition of De Soto to 
Florida in 1539, to be mentioned hereafter in chap- 
ter xii. His language is : 

" Nous apprimes que la troupe d'Ayllon s'etait avancee 
fort peu dans I interieur, q'uelle avait suivi presque toujours 
le bord de la mer jusqu'a la mort de ce dernier, et que ses 
compagnons s'etaient entretues, ne pouvant s'accorder entre 
eux sur le choix d'un chef." 



300 PROJECT OF CORTEZ IN 1524. [BOOK II. 



CHAPTER II. 

Of the project of Cortez iu 1524 for examining the coast of the Atlan- 
tic as well as the Pacific. 

The project in 1524 of the celebrated Cortez was 
attended with no interesting results. Mr. Biddle in 
his Memoir of Cabot, p. 258, 9, refers to the letter 
in which Cortez apprises the emperor of his views 
on the subject. 

" This letter, dated 16th of October 1524, will be found 
in Barcia's Historiadores Primitives, Tom. 1, p. 151, and is 
faithfully rendered by Ramusio, vol. iii. fol. 294. After 
expressing great zeal for the service of the emperor, he re- 
marks that it seemed to him no other enterprise remained 
by which to manifest his devotion than to examine the re- 
gion between the river Panuco (in Mexico) and Florida, 
recently discovered by the Adelantado Ponce de Leon, and 
also the coast of the said Florida toivards the north until 
it reaches the Baccalaos, holding it for certain that along 
the coast is a strait conducting to the South sea. He states 
as a part of his plan, that certain vessels in the Pacific 
should sail concurrently along the western coast of Ame- 
rica, while the others, 'as I have said, proceed up to the 
point of junction with the Baccalaos, so that on one side 
or the other we cannot fail to ascertain the secret.' " 

"It is material to remark," observes Mr. Biddle, "that 
Cortez has no other designation for the region in the north 
than that which Peter Martyr, in his decades published 
eight years before, had stated to have been conferred on it 
by Cabot." 



CHAP. II.] PROJECT OF CORTEZ IN 1524. 301 

At this period there was a very important enter- 
prise on the southern continent ; it can only be ad- 
verted to here in the briefest manner. Pedrarias de 
Avila having colonized the City of Panama, that of 
Natay, and the town of Nombre de Dios, Francisco 
Pizarro was living in the City of Panama, when he 
asked permission of Pedrarias to go to make disco- 
veries farther south. Pizarro set out from Panama 
the 14th of November 1524, and proceeded to con- 
quer Peru. A relation of this conquest by Francisco 
de Xeres, a secretary of Pizarro, was printed at Se- 
ville in 1534, at Venice in 1535, and at Salamanca in 
1547, and was reprinted at Paris in 1837 by H. Ter- 
naux in his collection of voyages, relations and me- 
moirs, to serve for the history of the discovery of 
America, in which collection will also be found, 

" Mernoires historiques sur V ancien Perou par le licencie 
Fernando Montisinos ;" and 

" Histoire du Perou par Miguel Cavello Balboa." 

We have had likewise published at New York, in 
1847, 

" History of the Conquest of Peru, with a preliminary 
view of the civilization of the Incas, by William H. Pres- 
cott; corresponding member of the French institute, of the 
royal academy of history at Madrid, <fec. in two volumes." 



302 VOYAGE OF VERAZZANO IN 1524. ["OOK II. 



CHAPTER III. 

Of the voyage of John De Verazzano in 1524, along tlie coast of North 
America, from Carolina to Newfoundland. 

In 1524 5 Francis the First, King of France, sent 
forth John de Verazzano, a Florentine, with four 
ships. An account of the voyage of Verazzano was, 
about forty years after its completion, published at 
Venice, in the Italian language, in the third volume 
of Ramusio's collection of voyages and travels. An 
English translation of the account in Ramusio was 
published in 1600 in Hakluyt's Collection,* and re- 
published from Hakluyt in 1611, by the New York 
Historical Society.! In 1834, Mr. Alfred Hawkins 
published an interesting account of Quebec, wherein, 
noticing Verazzano, he refers to a manuscript of his, 
preserved in the Strozzi library at Florence, and ex- 
presses the desire that some Italian scholar would fa- 
vour the world with its publication. J The North 
American Review for October 1837, contains an ac- 
count of the researches of George W. Greene, Esq., 
the American consul at Rome. He found at Flo- 
rence a manuscript of Verazzano's letter of the 8th 
of July 1524, to the King of France, differing, in 
some respects, from the one in Ramusio. Mr. Greene 
having furnished to the Historical Society of New 

* Vol. 3, p. 395 to 300. f Volume Collections for 1809, p. 45. t Hawkins's Quebec, p. 33. 



CHAP. III.] VOYAGE OF VERAZZANO IN 1524. 303 

York a copy of this manuscript, a translation of it 
from the Itahan was made by Joseph G. Cogswell, 
Esq., a member of that society, and published in 
1841 in the second series of the society's collections. 
It will be found in the first volume of the second se- 
ries, page 37 to 67. The following extract from that 
volume contains Verazzano's account of the new 
country, which he reached on the 20th of March, 
sailing from Madeira towards the west, a little north- 
wardly : 

" At first it appeared to be very low, but on approaching 
it to within a quarter of a league from the shore we per- 
ceived, by the great fires near the coast, that it was inha- 
bited. We perceived that it stretched to the south, and 
coasted along in that direction in search of some port, in 
which we might come to anchor, and examine into the na- 
ture of the country, but for fifty leagues we could find 
none in which we could lie securely. Seeing the coast 
still stretched to the south, we resolved to change our 
course and stand to the northward, and as we still had the 
same difficulty, we drew in with the land and sent a boat 
on shore. Many people who were seen coming to the sea- 
side fled at our approach, but occasionally stopping, they 
looked back upon us with astonishment, and some were at 
length induced by various friendly signs to come to us. 
These showed the greatest delight on beholding us, won- 
dering at our dress, countenances and complexion. They 
then showed us by signs where we could more conveni- 
ently secure our boat, and oflfered us some of their provi- 
sions. That your majesty may know all that we learned, 
while on shore, of their manners and customs of life, I will 
relate what we saw as briefly as possible. They go en- 
tirely naked, except that about the loins they wear skins of 
small animals like martens fastened by a girdle of plaited 



304 VOYAGE OF VERAZZANO IN 1524. [book ii. 

grass, to which they tie, all round the body, the tails of 
Other animals hanging down to the knees ; all other parts 
of the body and the head are naked. Some wear garlands 
similar to birds' feathers. 

"The complexion of these people is black, not much dif- 
ferent from that of the Ethiopians; their hair is black and 
thick, and not very long, it is worn tied back upon the 
head in the form of a little tail. In person, they are of 
good proportions, of middle stature, a little above our own, 
broad across the breast, strong in the arms, and well formed 
in the legs and other parts of the body; the only excep- 
tion to their good looks is that they have broad faces, but 
not all, however, as we saw many that had sharp ones, 
with large black eyes and a fixed expression. They are 
not very strong in body, but acute in mind, active and swift 
of foot, as far as we could judge by observation. In these 
last two particulars they resemble the people of the east, 
especially those the most remote. We could not learn a 
great many particulars of their usages, on account of our 
short stay among them and the distance of our ship from 
the shore. 

"We found not far from this people another whose mode 
of life we judged to be similar. The whole shore is co- 
vered with fine sand, about fifteen feet thick, rising in the 
form of little hills about fifty paces broad. Ascending far- 
ther, we found several arms of the sea which make in 
through inlets, washing the shores on both sides as the 
coast runs. An outstretched country appears at a little dis- 
tance rising somewhat above the sandy shore in beautiful 
fields and broad plains, covered with immense forests of 
trees, more or less dense, too various in colours, and too de- 
lightful and charming in appearance to be described. I do 
not believe that they are like the Hercynian forest or the 
rough wilds of Scythia, and the northern regions full of 
vines and common trees, but adorned with palms, laurels. 



CHAP. HI.] VOYAGE OF VERAZZANO IN 1524, 305 

cypresses, and other varieties unknown in Europe, that 
send forth the sweetest fragrance to a great distance, but 
which we could not examine more closely for the reasons 
before given, and not on account of any difficulty in tra- 
versing the woods, which, on the contrary, are easily pene- 
trated. 

" As the ' East' stretches around this country, I think it 
cannot be devoid of the same medicinal and aromatic drugs, 
and various riches of gold and the like, as is denoted by 
the colour of the ground. It abounds also in animals, as 
deer, stags, hares, and many other similar, and with a great 
variety of birds for every kind of pleasant and delightful 
sport. It is plentifully supplied with lakes and ponds of 
running water, and being in the latitude of 34P* the air is 
salubrious, pure and temperate, and free from the extremes 
of both heat and cold. There are no violent winds in these 
regions, the most prevalent are the northwest and west. 
In summer, the season in which we were there, the sky is 
clear, with but little rain : if fogs and mists are at any time 
driven in by the south wind, they are instantaneously dis- 
sipated, and at once it becomes serene and bright again. 
The sea is calm, not boisterous, and its waves are gentle. 
Although the whole coast is low and without harbours, it is 
not dangerous for navigation, being free from rocks and 
bold, so that within four or five fathoms from the shore, 
there is twenty-four feet of water at all times of tide, and 
this depth constantly increases in a uniform proportion. 
The holding ground is so good that no ship can part her 
cable, however violent the wind, as we proved by experi- 
ence : for while riding at anchor on the coast, we were 
overtaken by a gale in the beginning of March, when the 
winds are high, as is usual in all countries; we found our 
anchor broken before it started from its hold or moved at 
all. 

* In the southern part of what is now North Carolina, near Cape Fear. 

39 



306 VOYAGE OP VERAZZANO IN 1524. [book li. 

" We set sail from this place, continuing to coast along 
the shore, which we found stretching out to the west 
(east?); the inhabitants being numerous, we saw every- 
where a multitude of fires. While at anchor on this coast, 
there being no harbour to enter, we sent the boat on shore 
with twenty-five men to obtain water, but it was not pos- 
sible to land without endangering the boat, on account of 
the immense high surf thrown up by the sea, as it was an 
open roadstead. Many of the natives came to the beach, in- 
dicating by various friendly signs that we might trust our- 
selves on shore. One of their noble deeds of friendship 
deserves to be made known to your majesty. A young 
sailor was attempting to swim ashore through the surf to 
carry them some knick-knacks, as little bells, looking- 
glasses, and other like trifles ; when he came near three or 
four of them, he tossed the things to them, and turned 
about to get back to the boat, but he was thrown over by 
the waves, and so dashed by them that he lay as it were 
dead upon the beach. When these people saw him in this 
situation, they ran and took him up by the head, legs and 
arms, and carried him to a distance from the surf; the 
young man, finding himself borne off in this way, uttered 
very loud shrieks in fear and dismay, while they answered 
as they could in their language, showing him that he had 
no cause for fear. Afterwards they laid him down at the 
foot of a little hill, when they took off his shirt and trow- 
sers, and examined him, expressing the greatest astonish- 
ment at the whiteness of his skin. Our sailors in the boat 
seeing a great fire made up, and their companion placed 
very near it, full of fear, as is usual in all cases of novelty, 
imagined that the natives were about to roast him for food. 
But as soon as he had recovered his strength after a short 
stay with them, showing by signs that he wished to return 
aboard, they hugged him with great affection, and accom- 
panied him to the shore ; then leaving him that he might 



CHAP. III.] VOYAGE OF VERAZZANO IN 1524. 307 

feel more secure, they withdrew to a little hill, from which 
they watched him until he was safe in the boat. This 
young man remarked that these people were black like the 
others, that they had shining skins, middle stature, and 
sharper faces, and very delicate bodies and limbs, and that 
they were inferior in strength, but quick in their minds ; 
this is all that he observed of them. 

" Departing hence, and always following the shore, which 
stretched to the north, we came, in the space of fifty 
leagues, to another land, which appeared very beautiful and 
full of the largest forests. We approached it, and going 
ashore with twenty men, we went back from the coast 
about two leagues, and found that the people had fled and 
hid themselves in the woods for fear. By searching around 
we discovered in the grass a very old woman and a young 
girl of about eighteen or twenty, who had concealed them- 
selves for the same reason ; the old woman carried two in- 
fants on her shoulders, and behind her neck a little boy 
eight years of age ; when we came up to them they began 
to shriek and make signs to the men who had fled to the 
woods. We gave them a part of our provisions, which 
they accepted with delight, but the girl would not touch 
any ; every thing we offered to her being thrown down in 
great anger. We took the little boy from the old woman 
to carry with us to France, and would have taken the girl 
also, who was very beautiful and very tall, but it was im- 
possible because of the loud shrieks she uttered as we at- 
tempted to lead her away ; having to pass some woods, and 
being far from the ship, we determined to leave her and 
take the boy only. We found them fairer than the others, 
and wearing a covering made of certain plants, which hung 
down frorfi the branches of the trees, tying them together 
with threads of wild hemp ; their heads are without cover- 
ing and of the same shape as the others. Their food is a 
kind of pulse which there abounds, different in colour and 



308 VOYAGE OF VERAZZANO IN 1524. [''OOK II. 

size from ours, and of a very delicious flavour. Besides, 
they take birds and fish for food, using snares and bows 
made of hard wood, with reeds for arrows, in the ends of 
which they put the bones of fish and other animals. The 
animals in these regions are wilder than in Europe, from 
being continually molested by the hunters. We saw many 
of their boats made of one tree twenty feet long and four 
feet broad, without the aid of stone or iron or other kind of 
metal. In the whole country, for the space of two hun- 
dred leagues, which we visited, we saw no stone of any 
sort. To hollow out their boats, they burn out as much of 
a log as is requisite, and also from the prow and stern to 
make them float well on the sea. The land, in situation, 
fertility and beauty, is like the other, abounding also in fo- 
rests filled with various kinds of trees, but not of such fra- 
grance, as it is more northern and colder. 

" We saw in this country many vines growing naturally, 
which entwine about the trees, and run up upon them as 
they do in the plains of Lombardy. These vines would 
doubtless produce excellent wine if they were properly cul- 
tivated and attended to, as we have often seen the grapes 
which they produce very sweet and pleasant, and not un- 
like our own. They must be held in estimation by them, 
as they carefully remove the shrubbery from around them, 
wherever they grow, to allow the fruit to ripen better. We 
found also wild roses, violets, lilies, and many sorts of 
plants and fragrant flowers diff'erent from our own. We 
cannot describe their habitations, as they are in the interior 
of the country, but from various indications we conclude 
they must be formed of trees and shrubs. We saw also 
many grounds for conjecturing that they often sleep in the 
open air, without any covering but the sky. Of their other 
usages we know nothing ; we believe, however, that all the 
people we were among live in the same way. 



CHAP, in] VOYAGE OF VERAZZANO IN 1524. 309 

" After having remained here three days, riding at anchor 
on the coast, as we could find no harbour, we determined 
to depart, and coast along the shore to the northeast, keep- 
ing sail on the vessel only by day, and coming to anchor 
by night. After proceeding one hundred leagues we found 
a very pleasant situation among some steep hills, through 
which a very large river, deep at its mouth, forced its way 
to the sea ; from the sea to the estuary of the river, any 
ship heavily laden might pass, with the help of the tide, 
which rises eight feet. But as we were riding at anchor in 
a good berth, we would not venture up in our vessel, with- 
out a knowledge of the mouth ; therefore we took the boat, 
and entering the river, we found the country on its banks 
well peopled, the inhabitants not differing much from the 
others, being dressed out with the feathers of birds of va- 
rious colours. They came towards us with evident delight, 
raising loud shouts of admiration, and showing us where 
we could most securely land with our boat. We passed up 
this river, about half a league, when we found it formed a 
most beautiful lake three leagues in circuit, upon which 
they were rowing thirty or more of their small boats, from 
one shore to the other, filled with multitudes who came to 
see us. All of a sudden, as is wont to happen to naviga- 
tors, a violent contrary wind blew in from the sea, and 
forced us to return to our ship, greatly regretting to leave 
this region which seemed so commodious and delightful, 
and which we supposed must also contain great riches, as 
the hills showed many indications of minerals. Weighing 
anchor, we sailed fifty leagues towards the east, as the coast 
stretched in that direction, and always in sight of it ; at 
length we discovered an island of a triangular form, about 
ten leagues from the main land, in size about equal to the 
island of Rhodes, having many hills covered with trees, 
and well peopled, judging from the great number of fires 
which we saw all around its shores; we gave it the name 
of your majesty's illustrious mother. 



310 VOYAGE OF VERAZZANO IN 1524. [book li. 

" We did not land there, as the weather was unfavoura- 
ble, but proceeded to another place, fifteen leagues distant 
from the island, where we found a very excellent harbour. 
Before entering it, we saw about twenty small boats full of 
people, who came about our ship, uttering many cries of 
astonishment, but they would not approach nearer than 
within fifty paces ; stopping, they looked at the structure 
of our ship, our persons and dress, afterwards they all raised 
a loud shout together, signifying that they were pleased. 
By imitating their signs, we inspired them in some measure 
with confidence, se that they came near enough for us to 
toss to them some little bells and glasses, and many toys, 
which they took and looked at, laughing, and then came 
on board without fear. Among them were two kings more 
beautiful in form and stature than can possibly be described ; 
one was about forty years old, the other about twenty-four, 
and they were dressed in the following manner: The old- 
est had a deer's skin around his body, artificially wrought 
in damask figures, his head was without covering, his hair 
was tied back in various knots ; around his neck he wore a 
large chain ornamented with many stones of different co- 
lours. The young man was similar in his general appear- 
ance. This is the finest looking tribe, and the handsomest 
in their costumes, that we have found in our voyage. 
They exceed us in size, and they are of a very fair com- 
plexion (?); some of them incline more to a white (bronze?), 
and others to a tawny colour ; their faces are sharp, their 
hair long and black, upon the adorning of which they be- 
stow great pains ; their eyes are black and sharp, their ex- 
pression mild and pleasant, greatly resembling the antique. 
I say nothing to your majesty of the other parts of the 
body, which are all in good proportion, and such as belong 
to well-formed men. Their women are of the same form 
and beauty, very graceful, of fine countenances and pleas- 
ing appearance in manners and modesty ; they wear no 



CHAP. Ill] VOYAGE OF VERAZZANO IN 1524. 311 

clothing except a deer skin, ornamented like those worn 
by the men; some wear very rich lynx skins upon their 
arms, and various ornaments upon their heads, composed of 
braids of hair, which also hang down upon their breasts on 
each side. Others wear different ornaments, such as the 
women of Egypt and Syria use. The older and the mar- 
ried people, both men and women, wear many ornaments 
in their ears, hanging down in the oriental manner. We 
saw upon them several pieces of wrought copper, which is 
more esteemed by them than gold, as this is not valued on 
account of its colour, but is considered by them as the most 
ordinary of the metals — yellow being the colour especially 
disliked by them ; azure and red are those in highest esti- 
mation with them. Of those things which we gave them, 
they prized most highly the bells, azure crystals, and other 
toys to hang in their ears and about their necks ; they do 
not value or care to have silk or gold stuffs, or other kinds 
of cloth, nor implements of steel or iron. When we 
showed them our arms, they expressed no admiration, and 
only asked how they were made; the same was the case 
with the looking-glasses, which they returned to us, smi- 
ling, as soon as they had looked at them. They are very 
generous, giving away whatever they have. We formed a 
great friendship with them, and one day we entered into 
the port with our ship, having before rode at the distance 
of a league from the shore, as the weather was adverse. 
They came off to the ship with a number of their little 
boats, with their faces painted in divers colours, showing us 
real signs of joy, bringing us of their provisions, and signi- 
fying to us where we could best ride in safety with our 
ship, and keeping with us until we had cast anchor. We 
remained among them fifteen days, to provide ourselves 
with many things of which we were in want, during which 
time they came every day to see our ship, bringing with 
them their wives, of whom they were very careful ; for, al- 



312 VOYAGE OF VERAZZANO IN 1524, [P'OO^ ii. 

though they came on board themselves, and remained a long 
while, they made their wives stay in the boats, nor could 
we ever get them on board by any entreaties or any pre- 
sents we could make them. One of the two kings often 
came with his queen and many attendants, to see us for his 
amusement ; but he always stopped at the distance of about 
two hundred paces, and sent a boat to inform us of his in- 
tended visit, saying they would come and see our ship — 
this was done for safety, and as soon as they had an answer 
from us they came off, and remained awhile to look around : 
but on hearing the annoying cries of the sailors, the king 
sent the queen, with her attendants, in a very light boat, to 
wait, near an island a quarter of a league distant from us, 
while he remained a long time on board, talking with us by 
signs, and expressing his fanciful notions about every thing 
in the ship, and asking the use of all. After imitating our 
modes of salutation, and tasting our food, he courteously 
took leave of us. Sometimes, when our men staid two or 
three days on a small island, near the ship, for their various 
necessities, as sailors are wont to do, he came with seven or 
eight of his attendants, to inquire about our movements, of- 
ten asking us if we intended to remain there long, and of- 
fering us every thing at his command, and then he would 
shoot with his bow, and run up and down with his people, 
making great sport for us. We often went five or six 
leagues into the interior, and found the country as pleasant 
as is possible to conceive, adapted to cultiv^ation of every 
kind, whether of corn, wine or oil ; there are open plains 
twenty-five or thirty leagues in extent, entirely free from 
trees or other hindrances, and of so great fertility, that 
whatever is sown there will yield an excellent crop. On 
entering the woods, we observed that they might all be tra- 
versed by an army ever so numerous; the trees of which 
they were composed, were oaks, cypresses, and others, un- 
known in Europe. We found, also, apples, plumbs, filberts, 



CHAP. 111.] VOYAGE OF VERAZZANO IN 1524. 313 

and many other fruits, but all of a different kind from ours. 
The animals, which are in great numbers, as stags, deer, 
lynxes, and many other species, are taken by snares, and by 
bows, the latter being their chief implement ; their arrows 
are wrought with great beauty, and for the heads of them, 
they use emery, jasper, hard marble, and other sharp stones, 
in the place of iron. They also use the same kind of sharp 
stones in cutting down trees, and with them they construct 
their boats of single logs, hollowed out with admirable skill, 
and sufficiently commodious to contain ten or twelve per- 
sons ; their oars are short, and broad at the end, and are 
managed in vowing by force of the arms alone, with per- 
fect security, and as nimbly as they choose. We saw their 
dwellings, which are of a circular form, of about ten or 
twelve paces in circumference, made of logs split in halves, 
without any regularity of architecture, and covered with 
roofs of straw, nicely put on, which protect them from 
wind and rain. There is no doubt that they would build 
stately edifices if they had workmen as skilful as ours, for 
the whole sea coast abounds in shining stones, crystals, and 
alabaster, and for the same reason it has ports and retreats 
for animals. They change their habitations from place to 
place as circumstances of situation and season may require ; 
this is easily done, as they have only to take with them 
their mats, and they have other houses prepared at once. 
The father and the whole family dwell together in one 
house in great numbers; in some we saw twenty-five or 
thirty persons. Their food is pulse, as with the other tribes, 
which is here better than elsewhere, and more carefully cul- 
tivated ; in the time of sowing, they are governed by the 
moon, the sprouting of grain, and many other ancient usa- 
ges. They live by hunting and fishing, and they are long- 
lived. If they fall sick, they cure themselves without me- 
dicine, by the heat of the fire, and their death at last comes 
from extreme old age. We judge them to be very affec- 
40 



314 VOYAGE OF VERAZZANO IN 1524. [BOOK II. 

tionate and charitable towards their relatives — making loud 
lamentations in their adversity, and in their misery calling 
to mind all their good fortune. At their departure out of 
life, their relations mutually join in weeping, mingled with 
singing, for a long while. This is all that we could learn 
of them. This region is situated in the parallel of Rome, 
being 41° 40' of north latitude, but much colder from ac- 
cidental circumstances, and not by nature, as I shall here- 
after explain to your majesty, and confine myself at present 
to the description of its local situation. It looks towards 
the south, on which side the harbour is half a league broad ; 
afterwards, upon entering it, the extent between the coast 
and north is twelve leagues, and then enlarging itself it 
forms a very lage bay, twenty leagues in circumference, in 
which are five small islands, of great fertility and beauty, 
covered with large and lofty trees. Among these islands 
any fleet, however large, might ride safely, without fear of 
tempests or other dangers. Turning towards the south, at 
the entrance of the harbour, on both sides, there are very 
pleasant hills, and many streams of clear water, which flow 
down to the sea. In the midst of the entrance, there is a 
rock of freestone, formed by nature, and suitable for the 
construction of any kind of machine or bulwark for the de- 
fence of the harbour.* 

"Having supplied ourselves with every thing necessary, 
on the fifth of May we departed from the port, and sailed 
one hundred and fifty leagues, keeping so close to the coast 
as never to lose it from our sight ; the nature of the coun- 
try appeared much the same as before, but the mountains 



* The above description applies to Nar- r.igraph of this translation, p. 45, with 

raganset bay and the harbour of Newport sufficient clearness to admit of their being 

in Rhode Island, although mistaken by Dr. easily recognized. The island " of a tri- 

Miller, in his Discourse before this So- angular form, resembling the island of 

ciety, as published in the first volume of Rhodes," which Verazzano mentions as 

the former series of Collections, for the fifty leagues to the east of New York, p. 

b^y and harbour of New York. The lat- 46, is doubtless Block Island.— Ed. 
ter are briefly described in a preceding pa- 



CHAP. III.] VOYAGE OF VERAZZANO IN 1524. 315 

were a little higher, and all in appearance rich in minerals. 
We did not stop to land as the weather was very favourable 
for pursuing our voyage, and the country presented no va- 
riety. The shore stretched to the east, and fifty leagues 
beyond more to the north, where we found a more elevated 
country, full of very thick woods of fir trees, cypresses and 
the like, indicative of a cold climate. The people were 
entirely different from the others we had seen, whom we 
had found kind and gentle, but these were so rude and bar- 
barous that we were unable by any signs we could make, 
to hold communication with them. They clothe them- 
selves in the skins of bears, lynxes, seals, and other ani- 
mals. Their food, as far as we could judge by several vi- 
sits to their dwellings, is obtained by hunting and fishing, 
and certain fruits, which are a sort of root of spontaneous 
growth. They have no pulse, and we saw no signs of cul- 
tivation ; the land appears sterile and unfit for growing of 
fruit or grain of any kind. If we wished at any time to 
traffick with them, they came to the sea shore and stood 
upon the rocks, from which they lowered down by a cord 
to our boats beneath whatever they had to barter, continu- 
ally crying out to us, not to come nearer, and instantly de- 
manding from us that which was to be given in exchange; 
they took from us only knives, fish hooks and sharpened 
steel. No regard was paid to our courtesies ; when we had 
nothing left to exchange with them, the men at our depar- 
ture made the most brutal signs of disdain and contempt 
possible. Against their will, we penetrated two or three 
leagues into the interior with twenty-five men ; when we 
came to the shore, they shot at us with their arrows, rais- 
ing the most horrible cries and afterwards fleeing to the 
woods. In this region we found nothing extraordinary ex- 
cept vast forests and some metalliferous hills, as we infer 
from seeing that many of the people wore copper ear-rings. 
Departing from thence, we kept along the coast, steering 



316 VOYAGE OF VERAZZANO IN 1524. [BOOK II. 

northeast, and found the country more pleasant and open, 
free from woods; and distant in the interior we saw lofty 
mountains, but none which extended to the shore. With- 
in fifty leagues we discovered thirty-two islands, all near 
the main land, small and of pleasant appearance, but high 
and so disposed as to afford excellent harbours and chan- 
nels, as we see in the Adriatic gulph, near Illyria and Dal- 
matia. We had no intercourse with the people, but we 
judge that they were similar in nature and usages to those 
we were last among. After sailing between east and north 
the distance of one hundred and fifty leagues more, and 
finding our provisions and naval stores nearly exhausted, 
we took in wood and water and determined to return to 
France, having discovered 502, that is 700 (sic) leagues of 
unknown lands." 

Verazzano states that his intention in this voyage 
vi^as to reach Cathay on the extreme coast of Asia ; 
not doubting that he should penetrate by some pas- 
sage to the Eastern ocean. He proceeds to say, it 
was the opinion of the ancients that our Oriental In- 
dian ocean is one, and without any interposing land, 
but that this opinion is shewn to be erroneous by ex- 
perience. 

" The country which has been discovered, and which 
was unknown to the ancients, is another world compared 
with that before known, being manifestly larger than our 
Europe, together with Africa and perhaps Asia, if we right- 
ly estimate its extent, as shall now be briefly explained to 
your majesty. The Spaniards have sailed south beyond 
the equator on a meridian 20 degrees west of the Fortu- 
nate Islands to the latitude of 54, and there still found 
land ; turning about they steered northward on the same 
meridian and along the coast to the eighth degree of lati- 



CHAP, in.] VOYAGE OF VERAZZANO IN 1524. 317 

tude near the equator, and thence along the coast more to 
the west and northwest, to the latitude of 21"^, without 
finding a termination to the continent ; they estimated the 
distance run as 89 degrees, which, added to the 20 first run 
west of the Canaries, make 109 degrees and so far west; 
they sailed from the meridian of these islands, but this may 
vary somewhat from truth ; we did not make this voyage, 
and therefore cannot speak from experience ; we calculated 
it geometrically from the observations furnished by many 
navigators, who have made the voyage and affirm the dis- 
tance to be 1600 leagues, due allowance being made for the 
deviations of the ship from a straight course, by reason of 
contrary winds. I hope that we shall now obtain certain 
information on these points, by new voyages to be made on 
the same coasts. But to return to ourselves ; in the voy- 
age which we have made by order of your majesty, in ad- 
dition to the 92 degrees we run towards the west from our 
point of departure, before we reached land in the latitude 
of 34, we have to count 300 leagues which we ran north- 
eastwardly, and 400 nearly east along the coast before we 
reached the 50th parallel of north latitude, the point where 
we turned our course from the shore towards home. Be- 
yond tjiis point, the Portuguese had already sailed as far 
north as the Arctic circle, without coming to the termina- 
tion of the land. Thus adding the degrees of south lati- 
tude explored, which are 54, to those of the north, which 
are 66, the sum is 120, and therefore more than are em- 
braced in the latitude of Africa and Europe, for the north 
point of Norway, which is the extremity of Europe, is in 
71 north, and the cape of Good Hope, which is the south- 
ern extremity of Africa, is in 35 south, and their sum is 
only 106, and if the breadth of this newly discovered coun- 
try corresponds to its extent of sea coast, it doubtless ex- 
ceeds Asia in size. In this way we find that the land forms 
a much larger portion of our globe than the ancients sup- 



318 VOYAGE OF VERAZZANO IN 1524. [book ii. 

posed, who maintained, contrary to mathematical reason- 
ing, that it was less than the water, whereas actual experi- 
ence proves the reverse, so that we judge in respect to ex- 
tent of surface the land covers as much space as the water; 
and I hope more clearly and more satisfactorily to point out 
and explain to your majesty the great extent of that new 
land, or new world, of which I have been speaking. The 
continent of Asia and Africa, we know for certain is joined 
to Europe at the north in Norway and Russia, which dis- 
proves the idea of the ancients that all this part had been 
navigated from the Cimbric Chersonesus, eastward as far as 
the Caspian sea. They also maintained that the whole 
continent was surrounded by two seas situate to the east 
and west of it, which seas in fact do not surround either of 
the two continents, for as we have seen above, the land of 
the southern hemisphere at the latitude of 54 extends east- 
ward! y an unknown distance, and that of the northern pass- 
ing the 66th parallel turns to the east, and has no termina- 
tion as high as the 70th."* 

The fate of Verazzano is involved in some mystery. 

If Francis the First received the letter of Veraz- 
zano, in any short time after it was written, it must 
have been at a time when his thoughts were wholly 
occupied by his war with Charles the Fifth. Francis 
laid siege to Pavia in 1524, was defeated there the 
24th of February 1525, and after having two horses 
killed under him, and receiving himself three wounds,t 
fell, with his principal officers, into the hands of the 
enemy. It was on this occasion that he wrote to his 
mother, "all is lost except our honour." He was 
carried to Madrid and kept in confinement until after 



* New York Historical Collections, new series, vol. 1, p. 52, 3. 
t" L'Histoire de France," printed at Paris in 1775, vol. 2, p. 462. 



CHAP. III.] VOYAGE OF VERAZZANO IN 1524. 319 

the treaty of the 14th of January 1526. It has been 
suggested that Verazzano on his return to France, 
seeing from the condition of his king no chance of 
further employment by his government, left its ser- 
vice.* Mr. Biddle states that Verazzano got into 
communication with Henry the Eighth, and refers, 
as proof of this, to the following statement in an edi- 
tion of Hakluyt, published in 1582: 

" Master John Verarzanus, which had been thrice on that 
coast, in an old excellent map which he gave to Henry the 
Eighth, and is yet in the custody of Master Locke, doth so 
lay it out as is to be seen in the map annexed to the end of 
this book, being made according to Verarzanus' plat."t 



* Hawkins's Quebec, p. 29, 30. 
t Biddle's Memoir, p. 272. 



320 VOYAGE TO THE NORTHWEST IN 1525. [book II. 



CHAPTER IV. 

Of the voyage of Stephen Gomez to the Northwest, in 1525. 

Stephen Gomez, a Portuguese, who, in the brief 
narrative which we have of Magellan's memorable, 
but tragic expedition, occupies (Mr. Biddle observes) 
a prominent, though not very creditable place,* fitted 
out an expedition in the latter part of 1524, by order 
of the Emperor Charles the Fifth. Several authors 
of reputation, on the history of the new world, who 
wrote prior to 1612, give accounts of his voyage. 

Peter Martyr, " after describing the conference at Bada- 
jos in 1524, says: 'It is decreed that one Stephanns Go- 
mez (who, also, is himself a skilful navigator) shall go 
another way, whereby bettveen the Baccalaos and Florida, 
long since our country's, he saith he will find out a way to 
Cataia.' He then proceeds to describe the equipment and 
the instructions given by the council. In the Sth decade, 
ch. X., we have an account of the return of Gomez ; of the 
country visited by him ; and of his having, in violation of 
the standing orders on that subject, forcibly brought off 
some of the inhabitants."! 

The account in Oviedo (Sommario, ch. x. fo. xiv.), 
translated by Richard Eden, in his Decades, fol. 213, 
states that Gomez "sailed to the north parts and 
found a great part of the land continuate from that 
which is called Baccalaos, discoursing towards the 

* Memoir of Cabot, p. 264. t Id. p. 262, 3 ; also, p. 265, note. 



CHAP. IV.] VOYAGE TO THE NORTHWEST IN 1525. 321 

west to the fortieth and forty-first degree ;" that he 
arrived in November 1525, shortly after the emperor 
came to the City of Toledo ; and that he brought 
with him certain Indians, for so were called all the 
natives of the new-found lands. The Indians so 
brought home by Gomez, are described as of greater 
.stature than others of the firm land, as they are com- 
monly; as great archers, who go covered with the 
skins of beasts ; and it is said, that in the land which 
Gomez found, are many excellent furs, of which he 
brought some with him to Spain.* An ancient map, 
in manuscript, drawn in 1529 by Diego Ribeiro, a 
Spanish cosmographer, has also preserved remem- 
brance of the voyage.f 

Peter Martyr, in his account of this voyage of Go- 
mez, tells, with great glee, the jest about esclavos : 

" When he came into the haven of Clunia, from whence 
he set sail, a certain man, hearing of the arrival of his ship 
and that he had brought esclavos, that is to say slaves, seek- 
ing no farther, came posting unto us with panting and 
breathless spirit, saying that Stephanus Gomez bringeth his 
ship laden with cloves and precious stones, and thought 
thereby to have received some rich present or reward. 
They who favoured the matter, attentive to this man's 
foolish and idle report, wearied the whole court with ex- 
ceeding great applause, calling the word by aphmreses, pro^ 
claiming that for esclavos he had brought clavos, (for the 
Spanish tongue calleth slaves esclavos, and cloves clavos,) 
but after the court understood that the tale was transformed 
from clavos to slaves, they break forth into a great laughter, 
to the shame and blushing of the favourers who had 
shouted for joy."| 

* Memoir of Cabot, p. 263. t Id. p. 267. J Id. p. 266. 

41 



322 VOYAGE OF CABOT IN 1526. [book ii. 



CHAPTER Y. 

Of the voyage made by Sebastian Cabot in 1526. 

The first volume of Hakliiyt's Collection contains 
at page 214 a communication in 1527 from Robert 
Thorne, an English merchant residing at Seville, to 
Dr. Lee, the English ambassador at the court of 
Spain, in relation to the discoveries made under the 
authority of Spain and Portugal, and giving his own 
views in respect to a northerly way to the Moluccas. 
He says, 

" In a fleet of three ships and a caravel that went from 
this city armed by the merchants of it, which departed in 
April last past, I and my partner have fourteen hundred 
duckets that we employed in the said fleet, principally for 
that two Englishmen, friends of mine, which are some- 
what learned in cosmography, should go in the same ships 
to bring me certain relation of the situation of the country 
and to be expert in the navigation of those seas and there 
to have informations of many other things and advice that 
I desire to know especially; seeing in these quarters are 
ships and mariners of that country and cards by which 
they sail, though much unlike ours, that they should pro- 
cure to have the said cards and learn how they understand 
them, and especially to know what navigation they have 
for those islands, northwards and northeastward ; for, if 
from the said islands, the sea did extend without interposi- 
tion of land, to sail from the north point to the northeast 
point seventeen hundred or eighteen hundred leagues, they 
should come to the new found islands that we discovered, 



CHAP, v.] VOYAGE OF CABOT IN 1526. 323 

and so we should be nearer to the said spicerie by almost 
two thousand leagues than the emperor or the king of Por- 
tugal." 

Before this, Christovano Jaques, a gentleman of 
the family of King John the Third, had, in 1525, 
founded an establishment on the coast of Brazil. 
Bu*' ie Portuguese government occupied itself then 
vei / little with that country; its attention was con- 
centrated upon its possessions in the East Indias. 
The fleet referred to by Thorne was sent from Spain 
under Sebastian Cabot. It was intended for the Mo- 
luccas by the straits of Magellan, but stopped at the 
coast of Brazil, where Cabot penetrated the river 
which has taken the name of the Rio de la Plata, or 
river of silver, because of the silver brought from it. 
He sailed up the river Paraguay a great distance ; 
the number of leagues that he sailed up the La Plata 
and Paraguay is stated variously from one hundred 
and twenty to six hundred : it is said in some of the 
accounts that he only stopped from a fear of en- 
croaching on the Portuguese possessions. After hav- 
ing remained in this country about five years, during 
which time he lost many people in his combats with 
the Indians, Cabot decided to return to Europe for 
reinforcements. He gave so good an account of this 
province that Don Pedro de Mendo^o sohcited the 
government of it, which he obtained on his agreeing 
to transport to it a thousand men and a hundred 
horses, and construct there three fortresses.* 

* Vol. 3 of Ilakluyt, p. 726. Biddle's ages, Relations et Menioires," published 

Memoir of Cabot, p. 144, also 167 and 171. at Paris in 1637, by H. Ternaux-Compans. 

Preface to " Histoire Veritable d' un Voy- Also from the preface to another ; the His- 

age curieux fait par Ulrich Schmidel De tory of the Province of Sancta Cruz. 
Straubing," which is one of the " Voy- 



324 VOYAGE TO THE NORTHWEST IN 1527. [BOOK II. 



CHAPTER VI. 

Of a voyage from England to the northwest in 1527. 

Robert Thorne, besides writing to the Engli b am- 
bassador at Spain, sent an address to Henry*aj;ie 
Eighth of England, urging upon that monarch that 
with a small number of ships new lands might be dis- 
covered, and that the way of discovery was to the 
north. This letter is in the first volume of Hakluyt's 
Collection, page 212. 

Historians often tell us that Henry the Eighth made 
no attempt to explore or settle North America. This 
is a mistake. In the nineteenth year of his reigxi, 
Henry sent forth two ships on a voyage to the west : 
one called the Samson, of which a Mr. Grubs was 
master ; the other the Mary of Guilford, commanded 
by John Rut. They sailed in 1527 : it was the 20th 
of May, according to Hakluyt, that they set forth out 
of the Thames, and the 10th of June, according to 
Purchas, that they sailed from Plymouth. On the 
way, they were separated by a storm. A letter is ex- 
tant from Rut to King Henry, written the 3d of Au- 
gust 1527, in which he states that the Mary, in fifty- 
two degrees, fell in with the main land, and within 
two leagues thereof met with a great island of ice, 
and went the 21st of July into Cape de Bas, a good 
harbour, where he stopped ten days, and then going 
south entered the 3d of August into a good harbour 
called St. John, where he found eleven sail of Nor- 
mans, and one Britain and one Portugal bark, all 



CHAP. VI.] VOYAGE TO THE NORTHWEST IN 1527. 325 

fishing. A letter to the same effect was written from 
St. John on the 10th of August 1527, by Albert de 
Prato, who we may infer is the person alluded to by 
Hakluyt when he says, " that a canon of Saint Paul 
in London, which was a great mathematician, and a 
man endowed with wealth, did much advance the ac- 
tion, and went therein himself in person." The let- 
ter of Albert de Prato, it is supposed, was to Cardi- 
nal Wolsey.* Hakluyt says : 

" One of the ships was cast away as it entered into a 
dangerous gulph, about the great opening between the north 
parts of Newfoundland and the country lately called by her 
majesty (Q,ueen Elizabeth) Meta Incognita: whereupon, 
the other ship shaping her course towards Cape Breton and 
the coasts of Arambec, and oftentimes putting their men 
on land to search the stale of those unknown regions, re- 
turned home about the beginning of October of the year 
aforesaid." 

Mr. Biddle, in his Memoir of Cabot, page 272, ar- 
gues that Verazzano went on this voyage, and was 
lost in the Samson. The same answer may be given 
to this theory which has been given to the position 
that the St. Lawrence was the scene of his death 
previously to the second voyage of Jacques Cartier. 
In relation to this, Mr. Francis Hawkins said that 
Verazzano was then alive in Italy, and referred to a 
letter of Annibal Caro, quoted by Tiraboschi, an 
author of reputation in the Storia della Letteratura 
Italiana, vol. 7th, part 1, p. 261,2, as proving that 
Verazzano was living in 1537.t 

*3d vol. of Purchas'3 Pilgrims, book 4, cli. 13, p. 809. 3d vol. of Ilakluyt's Collection, 
p. 129. 
t Hawkins's Quebec, p. 31, 3. 



326 VOYAGE OF PAMPHILO DE NARVAEZ j 1527. [''"OK ii. 



CHAPTER VII. 

Of the expedition of Pamphilo de Narvaez to Florida in 1527 ; and 
Cabeca de Vaca's long and perilous journey on foot to Mexico. 

Pamphilo de Narvaez, who had previously com- 
manded the army sent by Valasquez to take from Her- 
nando Cortez the government of Mexico, set out 
from Saint Lucar, on the 17th of June 1527, under 
the authority of the King of Spain, to conquer and 
govern Florida. His fleet was composed of five ves- 
sels, with about six hundred men and various officers, 
amongst whom was Cabeca de Vaca, treasurer and 
alguazil mayor. Stopping at Saint Domingo about 
forty-five days, to procure necessaries, more than one 
hundred and forty men abandoned the fleet in this 
isle. The rest proceeded to Saint Jago, a port of 
Cuba, where the governor obtained men in place 
of those who had quitted him, and also a supply of 
arms and horses. Here a gentleman named Vasco 
Porcullo, made an offer of some provisions that he 
had at Trinity, a town one hundred leagues from Saint 
Jago. Half way to Trinity, at a port called Santa 
Cruz, the fleet stopped, and the governor sent a cap- 
tain named Pantoja, in one vessel, accompanied by 
Cabeca de Vaca in another, to get the provisions ; 
the governor remaining at Santa Cruz with four ships, 
for he had bought one at Saint Domingo. While the 
two vessels were in the port of Trinity, there was a 



CHAP. VII.] ARRIVAL OF NARVAEZ IN FLORIDA j 1528. 327 

violent storin, in which they were destroyed, and se- 
venty persons and twenty horses that were aboard ; 
those alone surviving who had landed, (about thirty 
in number.) These remained at Trinity until the 5th 
of November, when the governor arrived with his 
four ships. He passed the winter at this port ; and 
Cabe^a de Vaca, with the vessels and company, win- 
tered at Xagua, twelve leagues from there. The 20th 
of February 1521, the governor arrived at Xagua, 
with a brigantine bought at Trinity, and a man 
named Marvelo, engaged because of his knowledge 
of Florida. Two days after, the governor embarked 
with four hundred men and eighty horses, in four ves- 
sels and a brigantine. After doubling the cape of 
Saint Anthony, they went across to Florida, which 
they reached the 1 1th of April. Following the coast, 
they anchored at the entrance of a bay, on which 
they saw an Indian town.* Alonzo Enriquez landing 
on an isle in the bay, met with Indians, who furnished 
him with fish and meat. The next day the governor 
went to the Indian towns, which he found abandoned. 
The day after, he planted the royal standard, and 
took possession of the country in the name of the 
king ; he landed as many horses as remained ahve, 
being forty-two. On the following day the Indians 
came to see them. The Spaniards having no in- 
terpreters, could not clearly understand them, but 
thought, from their signs, that they wished them to 
leave the country. 

* In the work published at London in landed there in his unsuccessful espedi- 

1763, referred to ante, p. 295, there is the tion to Florida. Some time after, Diego 

following mention of Pensacola, staled to de Maldonado, one of Ferdinand de Soto's 

be in thirty degrees twenty-five minntes captains, touched here and named it Port 

north latitude : " Tliis place was first dis- d' Anchusi." 
covered by Pamphilo de Narvaez, who 



328 TRAVELS OF NARVAEZ IN FLORIDA ; 1528. [book II. 

The governor afterwards decided to penetrate into 
the interior, accompanied by forty men, amongst 
whom was Cabe^a de Vaca. Going in the direction 
of the north, they arrived at a very large bay. They 
passed the night here, and returned next day to 
the vessels. After sending the brigantine, with the 
pilot Marvelo, to gain a particular port, (which he 
said he knew,) or else go to Havana and bring thence 
a vessel loaded with provisions, the governor, with 
the same persons (who had been on the previous 
excursion) and some additional soldiers, penetrated 
again into the interior. They coasted the bay which 
they had discovered, and after making four leagues, 
took four Indians, who carried them to their town, a 
little distance off, at the end of the bay. Here was 
seen a little maize, not yet ripe. There was a num- 
ber of boxes, in each of which was a dead body, co- 
vered with skins of stags. The commissary suppos- 
ing these were objects of idolatry, caused the boxes 
and bodies to be burnt. The Spaniards saw here 
some pieces of painted cloth and plumes of feathers, 
which seemed to have come from New Spain, and 
some traces of gold. The Indians, by signs, informed 
them of a province named Apalache, where would be 
found a quantity of metal. Taking the Indians for 
guides, they proceeded ten or twelve leagues farther, 
when they came to a village of fifteen houses, near 
which were large fields of maize, fit to be gathered. 
After halting two days, they returned to the vessels on 
the 30th of April. 

Next day the governor decided that the vessels 
should follow the coast until they found the port be- 



CHAP, vii.] TRAVELS OF NARVAEZ IN FLORIDA,* 1528. 329 

fore referred to, and that the troops should proceed on 
land in the same direction. Three hundred men, 
having each but two pounds of biscuit and a half 
pound of bacon, and no other food, marched fifteen 
days without seeing an Indian or house. At length 
they arrived at a river, which they passed with much 
trouble, the current being very strong. On the other 
side there were about twelve hundred Indians, to 
whose houses, about half a league off, they were con- 
ducted. In the neighbourhood was a large quantity 
of maize, ready to be gathered. The Spaniards, fa- 
tigued with marching, and enfeebled by hunger, en- 
joyed here three days of rest. Then Cabe^a de Vaca, 
with captain Alonzo Castillo and forty soldiers, set 
out to seek a port, but finding themselves impeded by 
the river, which they had already crossed, returned. 
The following day, the governor ordered a captain 
named Valen^uela, with sixty men and six cavaliers, 
to cross the river and descend it to the sea, and disco- 
ver a port if he could. This officer returned, after 
two days, saying he had explored the bay, and found 
it had shallow water and no port. The Spaniards 
then marched for the province, called by the Indians 
Apalache, carrying for guides those whom they had 
taken. On the 17th of June, they saw an Indian 
chief, (accompanied by many people,) who was made 
to understand by signs that they were going to Apa- 
lache. He seemed to be an enemy of this nation, 
and willing to aid in the expedition. After an ex- 
change of presents, he left them, and they followed 
the route he had taken. In the evening, they arrived 
at a river, very deep, wide and rapid. Not venturing 
42 



330 TRAVELS OF NARVAEZ IN FLORIDA; 1528. C^OOK II. 

to pass it upon rafts, they constructed a canoe. A 
day was spent in gaining the other side. A cavaher 
named Juan Velasquez, a native of Cuellar, entering 
the river, was thrown from his horse by the force of 
the current, and drowned. That night, we are told, 
his horse served for supper for many of the people. 
After a fatiguing journey, during which they suffered 
much from hunger, and were sometimes annoyed by 
the Indians, they at length arrived near Apalache on 
the 25th of June. 

The governor ordered Cabe^a de Vaca to take 
more cavaliers and fifty foot soldiers, and go into the 
village. They found there only women and children, 
but a little while after, the men arrived. They shot 
some arrows and then retired. 

The village of Apalache contained forty small 
houses. Two hours after the Spaniards arrived there, 
the Indians who had fled returned peaceably to ask 
for their women and children, which were given up 
to them, but the governor retained a cacique who 
had been the cause of hostilities. The next day, the 
Indians recommenced hostilities. The Spaniards 
were greatly annoyed, but retained possession of the 
village twenty-five days, during which they made three 
journeys into the interior. 

Resuming their march, the Spaniards the first day 
crossed some lakes without meeting any Indians. 
Next day they encountered a marsh very difficult to 
pass. When in the midst of it, a number of Indians 
attacked them. The governor ordering the cavaliers 
against them, the Indians went into another marsh 
and the Spaniards remained masters of the passage. 



CHAP. VH.] COASTING VOYAGE OF NARVAEZ IN 1528. 331 

After some further encounters with the Indians, in 
one of which Cabeca de Vaca was wounded, the Spa- 
niards arrived in the village of Haute, nine days after 
their departure from Apalache. 

The inhabitants of Haute had abandoned it and 
burnt their houses. After the Spaniards had rested 
here two days, Cabeca de Vaca set out to seek the 
sea, accompanied by captain Castillo, Andres Do- 
rantes, seven cavaliers and fifty foot soldiers. They 
marched till evening and came to a bay where they 
found a great quantity of large oysters which was a 
treat to the soldiers. The next day, the coast was re- 
connoitred, and then the party returned to the go- 
vernor. 

He was sick. So also was a third of the men, and 
the rest were likely to become so. It was desirable 
to construct vessels in which to embark. The con- 
struction was commenced with a single carpenter, 
but the men set to work with so much ardour, that 
between the 4th of August and 20th of September 
they made five vessels of twenty-two cubits in length. 
According to their calculation they had made a jour- 
ney of about two hundred and eighty leagues from 
the bay where they first landed to this place. And in 
this time about forty men had died of sickness or hun- 
ger, without counting those who had been killed by 
the Indians. The 22d of September, having finished 
now (it is said) eating the horses with the exception 
of one, they embarked, forty-nine men in the bark of 
the governor ; the contador and the commissary with 
a like number in another; captain Alonzo del Castillo,. 
Andres Dorantes and forty-eight men in the third ; two 



332 COASTING VOYAGE OF NARVAEZ IN 1528. [book ii. 

captains named Telles et Penalosa, with forty-seven 
men in the fourth ; and Cabe^a de Vaca in the last 
with the comptroller and forty-nine men. The bay 
they quit was named Baya de los Cavallos. 

At the end of seven days, they came to an isle, a 
little way from the land. There they took five canoes 
left by the Indians, and some provisions from their 
houses. Two leagues further they passed a strait be- 
tween the isle and the main land, to which they gave 
the name of Saint Miguel. They continued in the 
direction of the river of Palms ; their sufferings from 
hunger and thirst increasing. Whilst at anchor at a 
little isle, there was a violent storm which detained 
them six days. The salt water they were obliged to 
drink, killed some of the men. Again the dangers 
of the sea were encountered. After doubhng a cape, 
they found a shelter on the other side. They fol- 
lowed some Indians to their houses which were near 
the shore, and were here refreshed with food and wa- 
ter. Half an hour after sunset the Indians made an 
unexpected attack. They fell upon the sick, invested 
the house where the governor was and wounded him 
in the face. The Spaniards then carried him to his 
bark. Fifty of the Spaniards remained on land and 
were attacked three times during the night. When 
it was calm they embarked and sailed three days. 
Seeing a canoe with Indians they applied to them for 
water. A christian and a negro went with them to 
get water and two Indians staid in their places. The 
two former never returned. Yet application was 
made for the restoration of the two Indians. This 
beinof refused, their comrades made an attack and the 



CHAP. VIl] SHIPWRECK OF NARVAEZ IN 1528. 333 

Spaniards continued their voyage. In the evening a 
point of land was seen, and on the other side of it a 
very large river. The bark of Cabe^a de Vaca going 
first in the river, he caused the anchor to be cast near 
an isle at its mouth. The governor entered a bay a 
little off. There Cabe9a de Vaca joined him, taking 
sweet water where the river entered the sea. A north 
wind driving the vessels from the land, in two or three 
nights they were all separated. Afterwards Cabe9a 
de Vaca saw two of the barks, one of which was that 
of the governor, and the other that of captains Pena- 
losa and Telles. On the 6th of November the bark 
of Cabe^a de Vaca was driven on an island where 
they were kindly treated by the Indians. 

Having determined to continue their voyage, they 
took off their clothes to get from the land their bark 
which was buried in the sand. In the attempt to put 
it afloat, the comptroller and two others were drowned. 
The Indians came to see them in their naked and dis- 
tressed state, and at the request of Cabe^a de Vaca 
carried the Spaniards to their village. The precau- 
tion was taken by them to have fires at different 
points on the way, to warm the Spaniards. 

Cabe^a de Vaca saw in the hands of an Indian 
some article which led him to enquire whence it was 
obtained, and was given to understand it was received 
from men like him. To these he sent two Indians 
and two Christians who met them coming. They 
were captain Andres Dorantes, Alonzo Castillo and 
the people of their bark. They related that the 5th 
of that month their bark had run aground a league 
and a half from there. It was resolved with one ac- 
cord to refit their bark. Hardly was it on the water 



334 ADVENTURES OF CABECA DE VACA. [book II. 

before it was overset. The resolution was then taken 
to winter at this place ; and four Spaniards were sent 
to Panuco, accompanied by an Indian from the isle. 
Those who remained behind were constantly perish- 
ing. Five who were lodged near the shore are said 
to have eat one another, until only one survived, no 
person being there to devour him. Their names 
were Sierra, Diego Lopez, Corral, Palacios and Go- 
zalo Ruyz. At length of eighty men only fifteen re- 
mained. The Indians being attacked by a disease of 
the stomach which carried off half of them, imagined 
that the Spaniards were the cause and resolved to kill 
them. They had come to execute this purpose when 
an Indian who was guarding Cabe^a de Vaca told 
them not to think the Spaniards caused them to die, 
for if the Spaniards had such power they would stop 
their own men from dying. This reasoning led them 
to abandon their project. To the isle the Spaniards 
gave the name of the Isle du Malheur (Isla del Mal- 
hado). Until the end of April they remained on this 
island, or on the main land near. Thirteen then fol- 
lowed the coast. Hieronymo de Alanez and Lope 
d'Ovicdo remained on the island. And the sickness 
of Cabeca de Vaca prevented him for some time from 
moving. When he got better, bad treatment made 
him fly and take refuge with the Indians of the na- 
tion Charruco. 

The foregoing narrative is taken from the relation 
of Cabeca de Vaca, printed at Valladolid in 1555,* 

*'< Relation 6t Naufrages D'Alvar Nu- ginaux pour servir a I'histoire de la decou- 

flez Cabe(ja de Vaca, Valladolid, De L'iin- verte de L'Amerique, publies poiir la pre- 

primerie de Francisco Fernandez de Cor- miere fois en FranQais, par H. Ternaiix- 

doue, 1555." It forms one of the volumes Compans," at Paris in 1837. 
of " Voyages, Relations et Mfemoires Ori- 



CHAP. Vll] ADVENTURES OF CABECA DE VACA. 335 

who gives also some account of what happened to 
the vessels sent along the coast, of which Carvallo 
was captain. Five leagues from the place of embar- 
kation, they perceived a bay which entered the land 
seven or eight leagues : it was the same that had 
been discovered by those on the land ; the place 
where they saw the boxes with dead bodies. Three 
of the ships entered this port. The vessel which 
returned from Havana with a brigantine was seeking 
those on land for a year, and not finding them made 
sail for New Spain. 

The port just mentioned, is spoken of by Cabe9a 
de Vaca, as the best in the world. He describes it as 
six fathoms deep at the entrance, and five near the 
land; a hundred leagues from Havana, and precisely 
north of that place. 

Cabe9a de Vaca states that he remained near six 
years in Florida alone, in the midst of these Indians, 
and as naked as they were. A desire to carry with 
him Lope d'Oviedo, caused him to prolong his stay. 
De Alanez, his companion, had died soon after the 
departure of Alonzo del Castillo and the other Spa- 
niards. Oviedo had often put off going, to the fol- 
lowing year. At length they went with some Indians 
to a bay, a league broad and deep every where, re- 
cognised as that named the bay of Saint Esprit. On 
the other side of it, an Indian told them the thirteen 
Spaniards were all dead, except three ; and if they 
wished it, they could see these three when the Indians, 
who had them, came upon the shore of that river to 
get nuts. Oviedo turned back to join the w^omen of 
the Indians, with whom he had passed the bay. Ca- 



336 ADVENTURES OF CABECA DE VACA. [book II. 

be9a de Vaca, unable to dissuade him from it, re- 
mained behind, alone. Two days after, the Indians 
who had Alonzo del Castillo and Andres Dorantes, 
came to the river bank. An Indian, of a different 
nation, told Cabe^a de Vaca to go to a particular 
place in the forest, and he would conduct him to his 
countrymen. This was done the next day. The In- 
dians having informed Andres Dorantes that a Chris- 
tian had arrived, he came to see who it was, and was 
greatly astonished. Being asked where he was go- 
ing, Cabe^a de Vaca said his design was to pass into 
a country where there were Christians. Dorantes, 
Castillo and the negro Estevanico, determined to fly 
with him, but prayed him to wait six months, when 
the Indians would be going away in quest of fruit. 
This being agreed on, Cabe^a de Vaca remained, and 
was given in slavery to the same Indian who already 
had Dorantes. 

Castillo and Dorantes related, that after quitting 
the isle of Malhado, they found upon the coast a bark, 
which had been shipwrecked : it was that on which the 
contador and the friars were. After they had passed 
four rivers, very large and with very strong currents, 
this bark was pushed in the sea, at which time four of 
their men were drowned. They sailed to the bay, 
and crossed it with much trouble ; fifteen leagues far- 
ther, they found another, where were some Indians, 
who, when they saw the Spaniards, went to the other 
shore. In a voyage of sixty leagues, two of the 
Spaniards had perished, besides the four who were 
drowned. Whilst occupied in finding means to cross 
the bay, an Indian came to them with a Christian, 



CHAP, vn.] ADVENTURES OF CABECA DE VACA. 337 

who proved to be Figueroa, one of the four sent from 
the isle of Malhado. This man related to them how 
he had arrived at that place with his companions ; 
that two of them, and an Indian, died of cold and 
hunger. With him the Indians had taken Mentes, 
who fled with the intention of going to Panuco, but 
was pursued by the natives and killed. Figueroa 
heard from the Indians of a Christian who had been 
with the Mariames, and then got to the Quevenes. 
This Christian was Hernando de Esquivel, a native 
of Badajos, who had been with the commissary. 
From Esquivel, Figueroa learned the fate of the go- 
vernor, the contador, and others. These last had 
caused their bark to be driven on shore between the 
rivers. Following the coast, they found on the bank 
that of Pamphilo de Narvaez and his men. The go- 
vernor went in his bark to the great bay. There he 
had the company carried to the opposite shore. Then 
he came to seek the contador, the friars, and all the 
others. In the evening he would not go on land, but 
remained in his bark with the captain and a cabin 
boy, who were sick. At midnight a wind rose from 
the north, so violent that the bark, which had no an- 
chor but a stone, was carried out to sea, and was not 
heard of afterwards. Those who were on land, fol- 
lowed the shore. Meeting a great expanse of water, 
they made a raft, with which they passed to the other 
side. Continuing their march, they came to the end 
of a forest, where they found some Indians, who, ha- 
ving perceived them, left their cabins for their canoes. 
This was in November. The Spaniards found wood, 
water, and on the shore some crabs and shell fish : 
43 



338 ADVENTURES OF CABECA DE VACA, [book ii, • 

yet they were dying, one after another, of hunger and 
cold. Pentaja, whom Pamphilo de Narvaez (before 
he last went in the bark) had made his heutenant in 
place of the contador, treated them badly. Soto 
Major, brother of Vasco Porcallo, a native of the isle 
of Cuba, turned against Pentaja, and gave him a 
blow, which killed him. Thus the number dimi- 
nished. Those who remained alive, it is said, caused 
the dead to be roasted ! The last who sank, was 
Soto Major. Esquivel, we are told, had him roasted, 
and lived on his body till the 1st of March, when one 
of the Indians, who had fled when the Spaniards ar- 
rived, came to see if all were gone, and carried off 
Esquivel. Andres Dorantes, escaping to the Mari- 
ames, learnt from them that Esquivel having fled, they 
pursued and killed him. Yet Dorantes fled, after re- 
maining with these people a few days. Castillo and 
Estevanico went into the interior of the country to 
the Yguazes. The three had got with the same tribe 
when Cabe^a de Vaca joined them. 

Six months had passed since he joined them ; the 
time had arrived for the Indians to go ; but there was 
a quarrel among them. The Spaniards were now 
obliged to separate, and did not meet each other 
again for a year. At length Cabeca de Vaca fled, 
and found his comrades. It was arranged that he 
should wait for them till the moon was full. It was 
now the 1st of September and the first of the moon. 
On the 13th, Andres Dorantes and Estevanico arrived 
where he was, having left Castillo not far oflf, with the 
Anagados. These last Indians said, that farther on 
the shore, there was a nation named Camons, and 



CHAP. VII.] JOURNEY OF CABECA DE VACA TO MEXICO. 339 

they had killed all the Spaniards who were in the bark 
with Penalosa and Telles. 

Two days after all four got together, they set off. 
In the evening, seeing some smoke, they went to the 
place where it arose. The Indians, who called them- 
selves Avavares, received them kindly. Dorantes and 
the negro were lodged at the house of a physician : 
Cabeca de Vaca and Castillo, at the house of ano- 
ther Indian. The Spaniards gained greatly the fa- 
vour of the Indians, by curing their sick. They went 
about with them in their journeys, and altogether 
were with the Avavares eight months. Then they 
went to the Mahacones, afterwards to the Arbadoes, 
and so on from tribe to tribe, until they saw moun- 
tains. 

Through the narrative of Cabe^a de Vaca, there 
is manifested a great fondness for the marvellous. 
Thus, after reminding the reader that he and his com- 
rades were naked, he says, as they were not accus- 
tomed to being so, they changed their skin like ser- 
pents, twice a year. His account of many things 
should certainly be taken with some deduction. Yet, 
if he made the journey across the continent of North 
America, which is ascribed to him, he must have the 
credit of very great energy, and his enterprise be re- 
garded as truly wonderful. 

On the way, Andres Dorantes received a large bell 
of brass or copper, with a figure on it. The next 
day the Spaniards crossed a mountain of seven 
leagues, and in the evening arrived at numerous ca- 
bins on the shore of a very pretty stream. The In- 
dians, at this place, gave them many purses, contain- 



340 JOURNEY OF CABECA DE VACA TO MEXICO. [book ii. 

ing bags of marcosite and antimony, which last was 
used to paint the face. The bell being shewn them, 
they said that in the place from which that came, there 
was found in the earth much of that metal, which 
was greatly esteemed, and that in that country there 
were fixed houses. Quitting these Indians, Cabe^a de 
Vaca says they passed so great a number of people, 
of different languages, that his memory would not 
enable him to recall them. A party of Indians con- 
ducted them fifty leagues into a desert country, co- 
vered with very steep mountains, where they found 
no game, and suffered extremely from hunger. They 
crossed then a river, having water which came up to 
the breast, and were conducted in a plain at the foot 
of the mountains, where other Indians met and sup- 
plied them. The next people were said by these to 
be far off, and their enemies. Two women were fur- 
nished as guides, one of whom conducted Castillo and 
Estevanico to a river running between mountains, in 
a place where her father dwelt. The dwellings here 
were the first seen that merited the name of houses. 
After speaking with the inhabitants, Castillo returned 
to Cabeca de Vaca and Dorantes, bringing with them 
five or six Indians. The three then set out, and 
meeting the negro on the way with the Indians, went 
with him to their houses, by whom, after stopping a 
day, they were conducted to other fixed houses. This 
country was thickly peopled, and in it were the great- 
est number of cows. In answer to the question why 
they didn't sow maize, they said, two years before they 
had wanted water, and the moles ate the seed ; that 
they couldn't cultivate it till there was a good deal of 



CHAP. VII.] JOURNEY OF CABECA DE VACA TO MEXICO. 341 

rain. Being asked where they procured maize, they 
said on the coast where the sun set ; that the whole 
country was filled with it, and the shortest course to 
get to it was the west. 

After stopping two days, the Spaniards determined 
to seek the country of the maize ; and to that end to 
go constantly towards the west, in which way they 
expected to pass over all the country between where 
they then were and the South sea. For some time 
they went back up the river. Then they crossed it, 
and at sunset found themselves in a great valley, in 
the midst of very high mountains. They came to a 
people with much maize in reserve, and fixed houses, 
some of which were constructed of earth, and others 
of mats of reed. Then they went a hundred leagues 
in the interior, still finding fixed houses, maize and 
beans. The natives gave them cloths of cotton, bet- 
ter than those of New Spain, and some corals and 
emeralds. The women here were treated with more 
regard than in any other place of the Indias that the 
Spaniards had seen. They wore chemises of cotton, 
which came down to their knees, but were cut before 
and tied with strings. Shoes, also, were worn by 
these Indians. This coast is described as the en- 
trance to many provinces on the South sea. From 
it to the villages they had left, Cabe^a de Vaca thought 
must be more than a thousand leagues. 

They stopped three days in this village. A day's 
march from there was another, in which, in conse- 
quence of the river being high, they stopped fifteen 
days. During this time, Castillo saw on the neck of 
an Indian, a buckle of the belt of a sword, in which 



342 JOURNEY OF CABECA DE VACA TO MEXICO. [BOOK II. 

was introduced a nail of iron. The Indian said it was 
brought in the country by men with beards, who had 
come on that river, and had horses, lances and swords; 
and who, with their lances, had killed two of the na- 
tives. The farther Cabe9a de Vaca and his comrades 
advanced, the more was learnt of the men with 
lances. For a great distance the inhabitants had fled 
to the mountains, abandoning tillage, from fear of 
them. These miscalled Christians had penetrated 
into the country, destroyed the villages, and carried 
off* great numbers of the natives in chains. From 
the place where Cabe(;a de Vaca first heard them spo- 
ken of, he reckoned to be eighty leagues to the river 
Petutan, the river on which Diego de Guzman ar- 
rived. In all the country where the mountains ended, 
he remarked traces of gold, iron and other metals. 
And where the houses were fixed, he describes it as 
warm even in January. 

After seeing stakes to which horses had been tied, 
Cabe^a de Vaca next morning took with him- the ne- 
gro and twelve Indians, followed the traces of the 
Christians, (as they were called,) and passed three 
villages where they had slept. He made ten leagues 
that day. 

"Next day," says Cabe^a de Vaca, "I met four Chris- 
tians on horseback, who were amazed at seeing me clothed 
in so strange a manner, and in the midst of these Indians. 
They regarded me for a long time with such astonishment 
that they could not utter a word. I told them to conduct 
me to their chief, and we went a half league to the place 
where Diego de Alcaraz, their captain, was. When I had 
spoken to him, he told me that he knew not what to do : 



CHAP. VII.] ARRIVAL OF CABECA DE VACA IN MEXICO, 343 

that for a long time he had not been able to take any In- 
dians; and he did not know where to go, becanse his peo- 
ple had begun to suffer with hunger. I told him that Do- 
rantes and Castillo were ten leagues from there, with many- 
people that we were bringing with us. Immediately he 
sent them three cavaliers and fifty Indians; the negro serv- 
ing for a guide. I asked him to certify the year, month 
and day in which he had found me, and in what condition, 
which he did. From this river to the city of the Christians, 
named Saint Miguel, the chief place of government of the 
province of New Spain, they count it to be 30 leagues." 

" Two days after, Andres Dorantes and Alonzo Castillo 
came with those who had been to seek them. They 
brought 600 persons belonging to a village, all the inhabi- 
tants of which had fled in the forests and concealed them- 
selves in the interior for fear of the Christians. The na- 
tives who accompanied us, had caused all these Indians to 
come back and had conducted them where we were." 

The Indians brought to Cabe^a de Vaca a great 
quantity of maize, of which he took some and gave 
the rest to Alcaraz and his men to divide amongst 
them. He was much chagrined at the wish of these 
to make slaves of the Indians who brought this sup- 
ply. Seeing the Indians afflicted, he told them to 
return home, tranquilize themselves, and sow their 
maize, but they refused to quit him, saying in his 
company they were not afraid. The others said they 
were masters of the country and must be obeyed ; 
and farther that they were Christians like Cabe^a de 
Vaca. This the Indians would not believe, but at 
length, with much trouble, he got them to return 
home. After which Alcaraz sent Cabe9a de Vaca 
and his companions in a state of arrest to an alcaid 



344 ARRIVAL OF CABECA DE VACA IN MEXICO, [book ii. 

named Zebreros and two other individuals ; carrying 
them in forests and deserts far from the Indians. 

" Their design," says Cabeca de Vaca, " was to pursue 
the Indians whom we had just sent away composed, which 
they did for two days. They carried us in the mountains, 
wandering, in no way that could be traced, and without 
water. We thought we should all die of thirst. Seven 
men perished, and a great number of Indian friends whom 
the Christians had with them, lived only till the middle of 
the next day. In the evening we found water. After go- 
ing about 25 leagues we arrived in a village of subdued In- 
dians. The alcaid, who conducted us, left us there and 
went three leagues further to another village named Culia- 
^an, where Melchior Diez, alcaid mayor and captain of 
the province, resided." 

The reception by this person, was very different 
from that by Alcaraz. He prayed them to remain in 
the country and use their influence with the Indians, 
to bring about a better state of things. 

" We injoined on them," says Cabeca de Vaca, '' to 
build churches and put crosses on them ; for they had not 
yet constructed any. We caused them to bring the chil- 
dren of the principal inhabitants and we baptized them. 
Then the captain promised solemnly before God, not to 
make inroads into the country, not to permit what they had 
been doing, not to reduce into slavery any of the inhabi- 
tants of the country which we had pacified. He engaged 
himself to keep his promise until your majesty* and the 
governor Nuno de Guzman or the viceroy had decided on 
what would be fit for the service of God and the emperor. 
When the children were baptized, we set out for the City 
of Saint Miguel." 

* The Emperor Charles the Fifth. 



CHAP. VII.] ARRIVAL OF CABECA DE VACA IN MEXICO. 345 

Fifteen days after, Alcaraz arrived bringing news 
of the new manner in which the Indians were acting ; 
that now there was a large population, where before 
the country was abandoned ; and they were doing as 
they had been told. 

"We remained," says Cabega de Vaca, "until the 15th 
of May in the City of Saint Miguel. We made a sojourn 
thus long, because, wishing to go to the City of Campos- 
telle, the residence of the governor Nuno de Guzman, we 
were forced to go a hundred leagues in a country entirely 
deserted and hostile. We were obliged to travel with our 
people and twenty cavaliers who accompanied us, for forty 
leagues. From the place where they quitted us, we conti- 
nued our march in company of six Christians, who were 
bringing 500 Indian slaves. Being arrived at Campostelle, 
we were well received by the governor, who gave us cloth- 
ing. It took me a long time to accustom myself to wear 
clothes ; and I could only sleep on the ground. Ten or 
twelve days after, we set out for Mexico. All the way we 
were well treated by the Christians : a great number came 
to us and thanked God that we had escaped from such great 
dangers. We arrived on Sunday, the eve of Saint James. 
The viceroy and the Marquis del Valle (Hernando Cortez) 
received us with the greatest pleasure and treated us very 
well. They gave us clothes, offered us whatever they pos- 
sessed, and on the day of Saint James, had carousals and 
bull fights." 

" After we had rested two months at Mexico, I desired to 
return to Spain. I was going to embark in October, when 
a storm arose and made the ship run aground. Then I de- 
termined to wait till winter was over ; this being a very 
dangerous time for navigation. When part of the winter 
was passed, Andres Dorantes and I went to Vera Cruz, 
where we waited till Palm Sunday to go to sea. We re- 
44 



346 ARRIVAL OF CABECA DE VACA IN MEXICO. [book ii. 

mained 15 days waiting for wind. The ship went a great 
way in the water. I quitted it and embarked in another, 
but Dorantes remained in it. Tiie 10th of April we sailed. 
Three vessels kept company together 50 leagues : one night 
the two others (which let in much water) disappeared, and 
we saw them no more." 

The vessel in which Cabe^a de Vaca was, arrived 
the 4th of May at Havana and waited there till the 
2d of June for the other two. It then set out, not 
without apprehension of meeting the French who a 
few days before had taken three vessels in these parts. 
Twenty-nine days after having quitted Havana, they 
had made five hundred leagues, the distance which 
separates that isle from the Azores. The next day, 
in passing near the isle of Cuervo, they perceived a 
French vessel with a caravel in company loaded with 
negroes. The French would have taken them but 
for the sight of a Portuguese fleet under command 
of Diego de Silveira. With this fleet, the Spanish 
vessel went to the isle of Terceira where they staid 
fifteen days for another ship which was coming from 
India, and was in company with three vessels escorted 
by a squadron. Then all set out together and en- 
tered the port of Lisbon, the 15th of August 1537. 

The two Spaniards who were in company with 
Cabe^a de Vaca in his long journey from Florida to 
Mexico returned to Spain also. The negro Esteva- 
nico remained in Mexico, and at a later period served 
as a guide to Francisco Marco de Nizza, in the ex- 
pedition to discover Cibola. The Indians took him 
for an impostor, because he who was black announced 
himself as the envoy of a white people, and massacred 
him. This is mentioned in the preface to the Com- 



CHAP. VII.] ARRIVAL OF CABECA DE VACA IN MEXICO. 347 

mentaries of Cabe9a de Vaca by a modern editor who 
remarks, that the veracity of the recital of Cabeca de 
Vaca is confirmed by Herrera (Decad. iii. ]iv. ii. ch. 
4 ; decad. iv. hv. iv. ch. 4-8 ; decad. vi. hv. i. ch. 
3-8,) and by all the Spanish historians, and adds that 
the Spaniards who arrived after Cabe9a de Vaca into 
Florida found traces of his passage. As to this mat- 
ter he refers to the History of New Spain by D. Ma- 
tias de la Moto Padilla, and to the manuscript rela- 
tion of the voyage of Francisco Vasquez de Coro- 
nado, by D. Pedro de Castaneda Nagera, who seve- 
ral times speaks of the effect upon the Indians of the 
good treatment exercised by Cabeca de Vaca. 

The manuscript relation just referred to, seems 
never to have been printed until it was published at 
Paris in 1838 by H. Ternaux-Compans, in the Col- 
lection of Original Voyages, Relations and Memoirs 
to serve for the history of the discovery of America. 
It is entitled, 

"Relation du voyage de Cibola entrepris en 1540; ou 
I'on traite de toutes les peuplades qui habitent cette con- 
tree, de leurs moeiirs et coutumes, par Pedro de Castaneda 
de Nagera." 

It appears from this relation that in the year 1530 
Nufio de Guzman, who was president of New Spain, 
having raised an army of four hundred Spaniards and 
twenty thousand Indian allies, set out from New Spain, 
traversed the province of Tarasca, and arrived in that 
of Culiacan where his army stopped for a long time, 
during which period, Hernando Cortes arrived in 
Mexico with the new title of Marquis del Valle, and 



348 ARRIVAL OF CABECA DE VACA IN MEXICO. [book II. 

great powers ; that Guzman, being an enemy of 
Cortes, was unwilling to return, and determined to 
colonize the province of Culiacan ; that he estab- 
lished himself at Xalisco, since Campostelle, and at 
Tonala, afterwards Guadalaxara, which two provinces 
at a later period formed the kingdom of Galicia ; that 
eight years afterwards he was thrown into prison by 
an envoy from Spain, the licentiate of La Torre, who 
put himself at the head of the government of the 
province, and after his death Don Antonio de Men- 
do^a, viceroy of New Spain, appointed to succeed 
him Francisco Vasquez Coronado, a gentleman of 
Salamanca, who was established at Mexico ; that at 
this period three Spaniards named Cabe^a de Vaca, 
Dorantes and Castillo Maldonado, and a negro, who 
had been shipwrecked with the fleet which Pamphilo 
de Narvaez conducted to Florida, came to Mexico by 
the province of Culiacan, after having traversed the 
country from one sea to the other ; that the new go- 
vernor proceeding to Culiacan, carried with him the 
negro and three Franciscan friars ; that when the go- 
vernor arrived at the province of Culiacan, he sent 
forward for discovery, the three friars and the negro, 
and as the latter could make himself understood by 
the natives of the country through which he had 
passed, the friars sent him on ir advance of them, 
accompanied by some Indians; that on his arrival at 
Cibola, upon being interrogated as to the end of his 
coming into their country, he said, he preceded some 
white men (sent by a powerful prince and) very 
learned in heavenly things which they came to teach, 
and the Indians thought he was the spy of some na- 



CHAP. Vll] AFTER LIFE OF CABECA DE VACA. 349 

tion which wished to subjugate them. It was unac- 
countable to them that he should be from a country 
of white men who was himself black : he had besides 
asked for their wealth and their women, and it seemed 
to them hard to consent to it. They decided to kill 
him, which they did, without doing the least harm to 
those who accompanied him ; upon which the friars 
very quickly retraced their steps. It was after this 
that the expedition was prepared for the discovery of 
Cibola, which is the chief subject of the relation of 
Pedro de Castaneda de Nagera. The City of Cam- 
postelle, the capital of New Galicia, a hundred 
leagues from Mexico, was the place from which the 
army was to set out for the expedition. Pedro de' 
Alarcon was to set out from Natividad, on the coast 
of the South sea, with two vessels, and then go to 
Xalisco and follow the army in its march along the 
coast. In the preface of the French editor, he says : 

"I do not believe that any Spanish expedition has ever 
gone so far towards the northeast. Almost all those which 
took place afterwards, were directed towards the northwest. 
It is astonishing how little they profited by the indications 
given by Vasqnez. I will cite only a single example of it. 
Alarcon discovered in 1539, that California was a pres- 
qu'ile ; and in 1732, that is to say, 200 years after, this 
point was still considered as uncertain." 

It is time, however, to stop this digression from 
Cabe9a de Vaca ; the chief purpose of referring to 
the relation of Pedro de Castaneda, was to shew its 
confirmation of the statement of Cabe^a de Vaca as 
to his arrival in Mexico, and the mode by which he 
got there ; this has now been sufficiently done. 



350 AFTER LIFE OF CABECA DE VACA. [book II. 

After the return of Cabe9a de Vaca from Mexico, 
he remained in Spain till 1540, when he succeeded 
Don Pedro de Mendo^a as Adelantado and governor 
of the La Plata, touching which country his Com- 
mentaries were published at Valladolid in 1555, and 
republished at Paris in 1837 by H. Ternaux, in his 
Collection of Voyages, Relations and Memoirs. It 
seems from his commentaries, that he was not much 
more happy in this than in his former enterprise. As 
to his true character there is not an agreement 
amongst writers. Some of his cotemporaries, at least, 
appear to have considered him arbitrary. Amongst 
the volumes republished in the collection of H. Ter- 
naux-Compans, is one entitled, 

" Histoire veritable d'un voyage curieux, fait par Ulrich 
Schmidel de Straubing, dans I'Ameriqne ou le nouveau 
Monde, par le Bresil, et le Rio de la Plata, depuis I'annee 
1534, jusqu'en 1554. Ou I'on verra tout ce qu'il a souffert 
pendant ces dix-neuf ans, et la description des pays et des 
peuples extraordinaires qu'il a visites. Ouvrage ecrit par 
lui-meme, et puplie de nouveau apres corrections des noms 
de villes, de pays et de rivieres, par Levinus Hulsiiis," pub- 
lished at Nuremberg in 1599. 

From the fortieth chapter of this volume of Schmi- 
del, the following is extracted : 

" Our commander had no consideration for any body, and 
wished that every thing should bend before him. The en- 
tire army, in general assembly, decided unanimously that it 
was necessary to arrest him, send him to the emperor and 
render an account to his imperial majesty of his fine quali- 
ties, of the manner in which he had treated us, and of 
every thing that had passed. Three of the principal ofR- 



CHAP. VII.J AFTER LIFE OF CABECA DE VACA. 351 

cers, to wit : the treasurer Alonso Cabrera, Don Francisco 
Mendoga and Grato Amiego, (Garcia Vanegas,) repaired to 
his house at the head of 200 soldiers and took possession of 
his person at a moment when he least expected it. This 
was in the month of April, on the day of Saint Mark in 
the year 1543. We kept him a prisoner for more than a 
year, until we had prepared and furnished with supplies a 
caravel, on board of which we sent him to Spain, with two 
officers. It was necessary to choose another chief to ad- 
minister the country and command the army until we 
should receive orders from his majesty. Martin Dominique 
de Irala, who had already been governor, was then pro- 
claimed general, for he was greatly loved by the troops." 

The French editor in the preface prefixed by him 
to the edition of 1837, states that Cabe^a de Vaca 
was acquitted, but he does not know what became of 
him after he recovered his liberty. He quotes from 
a writer who states that he died at Seville at a very 
advanced age, after having been put in the office of 
auditor in that city, but the editor adds that he does 
not know whether this is very exact. 



352 1527 TO 1534. [«ook h. 



CHAPTER VIII. 

Of the period from 1527 to 1534. 

After the loss of one of the vessels sent forth from 
England in 1527, and the unsuccessful termination of 
the voyage the same year from Spain under Narvaez, 
neither kingdom seems to have been disposed, in any 
short time, to send other expeditions to the Atlantic 
coast of North America. Indeed, even on the south- 
ern continent, the emperor somewhat altered his man- 
ner of proceeding ; the change, in respect to the pro- 
vince of Coro, was most important. 

" A. Dalfinger and G. Seyler, who were at Madrid, the 
agents of Welser, rich merchants of Augsbonrg, obtained 
from Charles the Fifth, who had often borrowed money 
from them in moments of necessity, the cession of this 
province in favonr of their masters, to make the conquest 
of it, at their expense, on the following conditions. They 
bound themselves to equip four vessels, to carry three hun- 
dred Spaniards, and to build two cities and three fortresses 
in the two years succeeding their arrival. They were, be- 
sides, to send to this country fifty German miners, to bring 
to perfection the extraction of the mineral. The emperor 
ceded to them all the territory between the province of 
Santa Martha and the cape of Maracapana, relinquished to 
them four fifths of his fifth of the gold and silver, and gave 
them in absolute property twelve square leagues of land, to 
take where they would. He permitted them, moreover, to 



CHAP. VIII.] 1537 TO 1534. 353 

reduce to slavery all the Indians who attempted to resist 
them. Charles the Fifth had just abandoned at this period 
the province of Santa Martha to Don Garcie de Lerma, a 
gentleman of his family. Don Garcie agreed with the 
Welsers to act in concert with them and to render assist- 
ance on occasion : they gave him the command of the first 
expedition, which was composed of three vessels. The 
Welsers named for governor and lieutenant governor, Am- 
broise Dalfinger and George Seyler, who, for a long time 
had served them well. The governor and lieutenant go- 
vernor arrived in 1528, and presented to Ampies the order 
of the emperor to give up to them the command. He, 
forced to obey, and seeing himself so badly recompensed 
for his services, withdrew to Saint Domingo, where he 
died of chagrin, a short time after: however, the king of 
Spain had ceded by way of indemnity to him the isles of 
Curacoa, of Oruba and of Bonayre, which his descendants 
enjoyed to a later age. The Welsers were perhaps then 
the richest merchants in the world : they had advanced to 
Charles the Fifth near five tons of gold, and at the same 
time at which they sent an army at their expense to con- 
quer Venezuela, they were dispatching vessels to the West 
Indias to extend their commercial relations and try to dis- 
cover the Spice islands. The daughter of Bartheleme 
Welser, the chief of this house, the beautiful Philippina, 
married secretly the Archduke Ferdinand, son of Ferdi- 
nand, king of Bohemia, since emperor and nephew of 
Charles the Fifth ; and the power of the Welsers was such 
that Charles dared not break the marriage." 

This extract is from the preface of the French edi- 
tor to the narration of the first voyage of Nicolas Fe- 
dermann, mentioned before on page 283. It is not 
in place here, any more than in that preface, to relate 
the history of the dominion of the Germans in Vene- 
45 



354 1527 TO 1534. [soos u 

zuela ; a dominion which lasted about twenty-six 
years. A single circumstance will be mentioned ; it 
is from the same preface : 

" The Welsers repenting the confidence they had be- 
stowed on Dalfinger, revoked his powers and put in his 
place George de Spire, whom Federmann accompanied as 
lieutenant. They arrived together at Coro in 1537, and 
set out soon after to make new discoveries to the south. 
George de Spire was to take the route east, Federmann that 
to the west, and they were to meet again on the coast of 
Barquisemeto. But he who sought only to render himself 
independent, continued his march towards the west. After 
a journey as toilsome as dangerous, he penetrated into the 
kingdom of New Granada and advanced to Bogota, where 
by the most singular chance, he met Sebastian de Benalca- 
sar and Q,uesada, who had arrived there, the one by Peru, 
the other by the river of Madeleine. Each one asserted 
his pretensions to this province. Not being able to agree, 
they agreed to go together to Spain to have their rights ad- 
judged. However, Federmann was never to return from 
America. His conduct towards his chief had dissatisfied 
the Welsers, who forgot all his services, and wished even to 
commence process against him ; but he died a short time 
after, imbrued with disgust and chagrin." 

Before the close of the period embraced by this 
chapter, Quito was conquered by the Spaniards. In 
Ternaux's Collection, there was republished at Paris 
in 1840, 

"Histoire du Royaume de Q,uito par Don Juan de Ve- 
lasco, natif de a royaume ;" in two volumes. 



CHAP. IX.] VOYAGE TO NEWFOUNDLAND IN 1534, 355 



CHAPTER IX. 

Of the voyage of Jacques Carlhier to Newfoundland in 1534. 

Several voyages were made by Jacques Carthier, in 
the service of the King of FVance. On his first voy- 
age,* he departed from the port of Saint Malo the 
20th of April 1534, with two ships, and came the 
10th of May to Newfoundland, where he entered into 
Saint Katharine's haven,t distant about five leagues 
from the cape of Buona Vista, J in latitude forty-eight 
degrees and a half. On the 21st of May, he sailed 
from that cape to the Island of Birds.^ On the 27th, 
he came to the bay of the Castles, and entered into 
a harbour about its entrance, called Carpunt, in lati- 
tude fifty-one degrees, where he stayed till the 9th of 
June. The writer of the account of this voyage, 
found in Hakluyt, describes the land from Cape Razo 
to Cape Degrad, as parted into islands, from the high- 
est of which, " you may plainly see the two low 
islands that are next to Cape Razo, from whence 
to the port of Carpunt, they count it twenty-five 
leagues." Jacques Carthier, it may be inferred, wrote 
the account himself, for the writer says, that going 
from Point Degrad, and entering into the bay to- 

»T^is aecouDt is taken fiom the third | It still bears the name of Bona Vista, 

volume of Hakluyt's Collection, p. 201 to $ Mr. Hawkins supposes this to be Funk 

211. island, about fourteen leagues from Cape 

tNow Catalina. See Hawkins's Que- Friels. See Hawkins's Quebec, p. 35. 
bee, p. 35. 



356 VOYAGE TO NEWFOUNDLAND IN 1534. [book il. 

wards the west by north, there is some doubt of two 
islands on the right side, one of which he named Saint 
Katharine's island. He describes the port of Castles 
as about fifteen leagues from this island, and about 
twelve and a half leagues from the port of Gutte ; 
the road called White Sands, (Blanc Sablon,) as about 
fifteen leagues from the port of Balances ; and Brest 
island and the Island of Birds, as south southwest 
from this road. 

" A point of land being passed about a league from White 
Sand, there is," he says, "a port and passage found, called 
the Islettes, a better place than White Sand ; and there is 
great fishing. From the said port of the Islettes unto ano- 
ther called Brest, the circuit is about ten leagues. This 
port is in latitude fifty-one degrees and fifty-five minutes.'' 

Jacques Carthier entered the port of Brest the 10th 
of June, and on Saint Barnabas' day, (service being 
heard,) proceeded beyond that port towards the west ; 
passing that day and the next through Islettes for 
about ten leagues beyond the port. Beyond them all 
he found a good haven, which he named Saint An- 
thony's haven. One or two leagues farther, on a lit- 
tle river toward the southwest coast, he set up a cross 
and named it Saint Seruan's port. A greater river, 
three leagues from this, wherein he took good store 
of salmon, he named Saint James's river. In this ri- 
ver Carthier saw a ship of Rochelle, which intended 
to have gone fishing at the port of Brest, but had 
passed it the night before, the mariners not knowing 
where they were. Carthier directed them to another 
port, a league more to the west (than the river of Saint 



CHAP. IX.] VOYAGE TO NEWFOUNDLAND IN 1534. 357 

James,) which he, taking it to be one of the very best, 
had named James Carthier's Sound. 

" If the soil were -as good as the harbours are, it were," 
he remarks, "a great commodity, but it is not to be called 
the new land, but rather stones and wild crags, and a place 
fit for wild beasts, for in all the North island I did not see 
a cart load of good earth, yet went I on shore in many 
places ; and on the island of White Sand, there is nothing 
else but moss and small thorns scattered here and there, 
withered and dry. To be short, I believe that this was the 
land that God allotted to Cain." 

On the 15th of June, Carthier sailed from Brest 
towards the south, to view the lands there seen, that 
had seemed to be two islands. He now knew it to 
be firm land, where was a great double cape, one 
above the other, and named it Double Cape. This 
cape is about twenty leagues from Brest. On the 
16th, he sailed along the coast towards the southwest 
and by south about thirty-five leagues from Double 
Cape ; and seeing on the hills some small cabins, 
sometimes called Granges, he called these the Hills 
of the Granges. A cape towards the southwest, he 
named the Pointed Cape. On the 17th, he came to 
a bay full of round islands, which, because of the re- 
semblance, he named the Dove Houses. From the 
bay (Saint Julian) to a cape lying south by west, 
called Cape Royal, is seven leagues, and towards the 
west southwest side of this cape, is another called the 
Cape of Milk, between which two capes, in latitude 
forty-eight degrees and a half, is a great and very 
deep gulf. From the 1 8th until the 24th of June, the 
weather was so stormy, that no land could be seen. 



3<58 VOYAGE TO NEWFOUNDLAND IN 1534. [book ii. 

Then was seen a cape, that, from Cape Royal, hes 
southwest about thirty-five leagues, and because it 
was Saint John's day, Carthier named it Cape Saint 
John. 

On the 25th of June, he sailed in the bay north- 
west and by west about seven and a half leagues from 
the cape of St. John, and then southeast about fifteen 
leagues, and came to three islands, which he named 
the islands of Margaulx. About five leagues from 
them, on the west, was an island about two leagues 
in length and the same in breadth, with better soil 
than had been seen in the new land, and many bears 
and wolves on it, which he named Brion's island. 
About four leagues from it towards west southwest is 
the firm land. A cape named Cape Dolphin, is de- 
scribed as the beginning of good grounds. 

On the 27th and 28th, Carthier went along the 
land, passing a cape called St. Peter's Cape, and an 
island named Alezai. The 29th and 30th, the wind 
blowing south and by east, he sailed westward with- 
out any sight of land till evening. The cape then 
seen was called Cape Orleans. Another, seven 
leagues from it, lying north and by east, was called 
Wild Men's Cape. A river wherein boats of wild 
men were seen was called the River of Boats. Car- 
thier entered this river, and was pleased with the tem- 
perature of the country and the quality of the land : 
there was here a great change from what had been 
seen before ; nothing was now wanting but good har- 
bours. He describes himself as being on the 3d of 
July in a gulf or bay, the midst of which is forty- 
seven degrees and a half in latitude. A cape south 



CHAP. IX.] VOYAGE TO NEWFOUNDLAND IN 1534, 359 

was called the Cape of Hope, from the hope that a 
passage would be found there ; a harbour on the north 
side was named St. Martin's. Here Carthier's ves- 
sels stayed from the 4th of July till the 12th, during 
which time he and his men visited the Bay des Cha- 
leurs, so called from its great heat, and trafficked 
with the natives. 

On the 12th of July, Carthier went from St. Mar- 
tin's creek along the sea coast eastward about eighteen 
leagues, to the Cape of Prato, near which he an- 
chored that night. He went thence to a river five or 
six leagues northward, where, because of the badness 
of the weather, he stayed in harbour till the 25th. 
The natives here were seen fishing for mackerel, of 
which there was great plenty. Carthier and his men 
went on land : the natives received them in a friendly 
manner, and traded with them. 

" Upon the 24th of the month," the account proceeds,* 
•' we caused a fair high cross to be made of the height of 
thirty foot, which was made in the presence of many of 
them, upon the point of the entrance of the said haven, in 
the midst whereof we hanged up a shield with three Floure 
de Luces in it, and in the top was carved in the wood with 
antique letters this posy, Vive le Roy de France. Then 
before them all we set it upon the said point. They with 
great heed beheld both the making and setting of it up. 
So soon as it was up, we altogether kneeled down before 
them, with our hands toward Heaven, yielding God thanks; 
and we made signs unto them, showing them the Heavens, 
and that all our salvation dependeth only on Him which in 
them dwelleth : whereat they showed a great admiration, 
looking first one at another, and then upon the cross. And 

* 3 Hakluyt, p. 209. 



360 VOYAGE TO NEWFOUNDLAND IN 1534. [book ii. 

after we were returned to our ships, their captain, clad in 
an old bear's skin, with three of his sons, and a brother of 
his with him, came unto us in one of their boats, but they 
came not so near us as they were wont to do : there he 
made a long oration unto us, showing us the cross we had 
set up, and making a cross with two fingers ; then did he 
show us all the country about us, as if he would say that 
all was his, and that we should not set up any cross with- 
out his leave. His talk being ended, we showed him an 
axe, faining that we would give it him for his skin, to 
which he listened, for by little and little he came near our 
ships. One of our fellows that was in our boat, took hold 
on theirs and suddenly leapt into it, with two or three 
more, who enforced them to enter into our ships, whereat 
they were greatly astonished. But our captain did straight- 
ways assure them, that they should have no harm, nor any 
injury offered them at all, and entertained them very friend- 
ly, making them eat and drink. Then did he show them 
with signs that the cross was but only set up to be as a 
light and leader which ways to enter into the port, and that 
we would shortly come again and bring good store of iron 
wares and other things, but that we would take two of his 
children with us, and afterward bring them to the said 
port again ; and so we cloathed two of them in shirts and 
^coloured coats, with red caps, and put about every one's 
neck a copper chain, whereat they were greatly contented : 
then gave they their old cloaths to their fellows that went 
back again, and we gave to each one of those three that went 
back, a hatchet and some knives, which made them very 
glad. After these were gone and had told the news unto 
their fellows, in the afternoon there came to our ships five 
boats of them, with five or six men in every one, to take 
their farewell of those two we had detained to take with us, 
and brought them some fish, uttering many words which 
we did not understand, making signs that they would not 
remove the cross we had set up." 



CHAP. IX.] VOYAGE TO NEWFOUNDLAND IN 1534. 361 

On the 25th of July, Carthier, coming out of the 
river, sailed east northeast. He proceeded along the 
land which lay southeast and northwest till the 29th, 
when he saw another cape where the land began to 
bend toward the east. This cape was in latitude 
forty-nine degrees and a half: he named it Cape St. 
Aluise, because it was his day. From St. Aluise Cape 
to another called Cape Memorancie, about fifteen 
leagues, the land begins to bend northwest. 

Carthier went along the land to the latitude of fifty 
degrees, still bending northwest. From the 1st to the 
5th of August, he was between high lands, distant 
from one to the other about fifteen leagues : the mid- 
dle between them both was fifty degrees and a half 
in latitude. Because, on St. Peter's day he entered 
this strait, he named it St. Peter's Strait. A cape 
lying southward, where the land begins to bend south- 
west he named Cape Tiennot, after the captain of 
the people who were on that cape, some of whom 
came to the ships. It was now determined to pro- 
ceed homeward. On the 15th of August, he de- 
parted from the port of White Sands, and on the 5th 
of September was again at the port of St. Malo. 
After the return of Carthier, the land which he had 
visited was, by the French, generally called New 
France. 



46 



362 DISCOVERY or the ST. LAWRENCE : 1535, [book n. 



CHAPTER X. 

Of the second voyage of Jacques Carthier, wherein he explored the St. 
Lawrence in 1535. 

Jacques Carthier commenced his second voyage 
from St. Malo, on the 19th of May, with three ships. 
There was stormy weather on the way, which sepa- 
rated the ships. That of Carthier arrived in New- 
foundland the 7th of July, and came to the island of 
Birds in forty-nine degrees forty minutes. On the 
8th he came to the port of White Sands in the bay 
of Castles, where on the 26th he was joined by the 
other two ships. On the 29th, sailing along the 
northern coast, that runs northeast and southwest, he 
passed two islands which he called St. William's 
islands ; they are described as twenty leagues or more 
from the port of Brest. On the 30th he sailed west- 
ward to other islands which he named St. Martha's 
islands. The last of July, he came to other islands 
distant about seventeen leagues and a half from St. 
German's cape ; and seven leagues further to Cape 
Thiennot. Seven leagues and a half beyond this 
cape, he found amidst four islands that stretch into 
the sea, a haven which he named St. Nicholas haven, 
where he rested till the 7th of August, having in the 
mean time set up on one of the islands a wooden 
cross. Charlevoix says, this harbour was on the north 
shore, neai- the mouth of the St. Lawrence ; and he 



CHAP. X.] DISCOVERY OF THE ST, LAWRENCE J 1535. 363 

describes it as being in latitude forty-nine degrees 
twenty-five minutes, and as the only place which pre- 
served to his time the name originally given by Jacques 
Carthier.* On the 7th Carthier came toward land on 
the south side, toward Cape Rabast distant fi'om the 
haven just mentioned about twenty leagues north 
northeast and south southwest. 

•' The next day there rose a stormy and contrary wind, 
and because we could find no haven there toward the 
south, thence we went coasting along toward the north, 
beyond the above said haven about ten leagues, where we 
found a goodly great gulf, full of islands, passages, and en- 
trances, toward what wind soever you please to bend : for 
the knowledge of this gulf, there is a great island that is 
like to a cape of land, stretching somewhat further forth 
than the others, and about two leagues within the land, 
there is a hill fashioned as it were an heap of corn. We 
named the said gulf Saint Lawrence his bay. The twelfth 
of the said month we went from the said Saint Lawrence his 
bay, or gulf, sailing westward, and discovered a cape of 
land toward the south, that runneth west and by south, 
distant from the said Saint Lawrence his bay, about five 
and twenty leagues. And of the two wild men which we 
took in our former voyage, it was told us, that this was part 
of the southern coast, and that there was an island, on the 
southerly part of which is the way to go from Honguedo 
(where the year before we had taken them,) to Canada, 
and that two days journey from the said cape and island, 
began the kingdom of Saguenay, on the north shore ex- 
tending toward Canada; and about three leagues athwart 
the said cape, there is about a hundred fathom water."! 

♦Hawkins's Ciucbec, p. 39,40. 

fProm Hakluyt's Voyages, vol. 3, p. 213. 



364 DISCOVERY OF THE ST. L.AWKENCE ; 1535. [BOOK 11. 

The name of St. Lawrence appears to have been 
given by Carthier to a bay, between the island of An- 
ticosti and the northern shore, and in after time to 
have been extended to the whole of the gulf and 
river. 

On the 1 5th of August, having passed the strait, 
he named a land toward the south the island of the 
Assumption. The English afterwards called this island 
Anticosti, as being somewhat similar in sound to its 
Indian name Natiscotec* The countries lying north 
of it appeared to be higher than those south. 

" We bended toward the north purposing to go and see 
the land we before had spied. Being arrived there, we 
found the said lands as it were joined together, and low 
toward the sea. And the northerly mountains that are upon 
the said lov/ lands stretch east and west and a quarter south. 
Our Yv^ild men told us that there was the beginning of Sa- 
guenay, and that it was land inhabited, and that thence 
Cometh the red copper, of them named Caignetclaze. There 
is between the southerly lands and the northerly about 
thirty leagues distance, and more than two hundred fathom 
depth."! 

The breadth of the gulf seems to have been accu- 
rately determined by Carthier. Cape Rosier, a small 
distance to the north of the point of Gaspe is the 
place which marks the opening of the river ; and es- 
timated from this cape the breadth is ninety miles. 
Measured from the eastern extremity of Gaspe, the 
width is one hundred and twenty miles, which corres- 
ponds with what Carthier says in his eleventh chapter, 

* Hawkins's Q,uebec, p. 40, 41. 

t From Hakluyt's Voyages, vol. 3, p. 213. 



CHAP, x] DISCOVERY OF THE ST, LAWRENCE ] 1535. 365 

to wit : that the distance from one side to the other 
is about thirty-five or forty leagues.* 

" The said men did moreover certify unto us, that there 
was the way and beginning of the great river of Hoche- 
laga and ready way to Canada, which river the further it 
went the narrower it came, even unto Canada, and that 
then there was fresh water, which went so far upwards, 
that they had never heard of any man who had gone to 
the head of it, and that there is no other passage but with 
small boats. Our captain hearing their talk, and hov/ they 
did affirm no other passage to be there, would not at thai 
time proceed any further, till he had seen and noted the 
other lands and coast toward the north, which he had omit- 
ted to see from Saint Lawrence his gulf, because he would 
know, if between the lands toward the north any passage 
might be discovered."! 

On the 18th of August the captain caused his ships 
to wend back and bend toward the other shore. The 
next day, he came to seven very high islands which 
he named The Round Islands. On the 21st he came 
to the island of Assumption ; and on the 24th to a 
haven on the southerly coast about eighty leagues 
from the Round islands. This haven is over against 
three flat islands which he named St. John's islets. 

About fifteen leagues from this haven, towards the 
wCvSt and west southwest are three islands, over 
against which the two wild men said was a river that 
run into the country of Saguenay ; and about five 
leagues beyond this river was another island on the 
north side. On the 6th of September, Carthier as- 

* Hawkins's Quebec, p. 40. 

t Hakliiyt's Voyages, vol. 3, p. 213. 



366 DISCOVERY OF THE ST. LAWRENCE ; 1535. [book a. 

cended the river about fifteen leagues, to an island 
about three leagues long and two broad, which, from 
the filbert trees on it, he called the Isle aux Coudres, 
or Island of Filberts. On the 7th, he went seven or 
eight leagues higher to fourteen islands, one of which, 
twelve leagues long and five #road, he called the Isle 
of Bacchus. It is now the Island of Orleans, and 
greatly enhances the beauty of the prospect from the 
high grounds of Quebec* Here, says Carthier, "the 
country of Canada beginneth." He went on land to 
see the natives, and took with him the two that he 
had, whose names were Targnoagny and Domagaja. 
The next day the Lord of Canada, whose name was 
Donnacona, came to the ship where those two natives 
were and spoke with them. They told him what they 
had seen in France, and the good entertainment they 
had had, at which he seemed to be very glad, and 
praying the captain to reach out his arm, kissed it 
and laid it about his own neck, to shew that he made 
much of him. Then the captain distributed bread 
and wine to the lord and his company, with which 
they were much pleased. 

Carthier passed up the river about ten leagues far- 
ther, at the end of which was a goodly and pleasant 
sound, where was a little river and haven fit to har- 
bour the ships in, which he named Santa Croix, (the 
Holy Cross.) Near to it was a village called Stada- 
cona, of which Donnacona was lord. Mr. Hawkins 
thinks there can be no doubt that the " goodly and 
pleasant sound," above mentioned, is the beautiful 
basin of Quebec, and that Santa Croix is the little 

•Hawkins's Quebec, p. 43. 



CHAP. X.] DISCOVERY OF THE ST. LAWRENCE; 1535. 36T 

river St. Charles to the north of the city. His idea 
is, that Stadacona stood on that part of Quebec now 
covered by the suburbs of St. Roch, and part of those 
of St. John, looking towards the St. Charles.* 

The two natives refused to accompany Carthier 
any further up the river. Nevertheless, Carthier, 
with a pinnace and two boats sailed up it from the 
19th until the 28th, and " saw as goodly and pleasant 
a country as possibly can be wished for." He had 
stopped on the way at a place called Hochelai, about 
twenty-five leagues from Canada, where the river be- 
ing narrow and running swiftly, was dangerous for 
that reason, and also because of the large stones in it. 
On the 28th of September he came to a great lake 
five or six leagues broad and twelve long, at the head 
of which were four or five branches, which, about fif- 
teen leagues beyond, all came into one. This was 
the Lake St. Peter.f 

It not being possible for the pinnace to go further, 
Carthier, having put on the boats as much as they 
could well bear, proceeded with the boats forty-five 
leagues, to a point near the town of Hochelaga. 

It was on the 2d of October that he arrived at this 
place, supposed by Mr. HawkinsJ to have been about 
six miles from the town, below the current of St. 
Mary. The next day, Carthier, having gorgeously 
attired himself, went to see the town and the moun- 
tain near it, which he named Mount Royal ; a name 
since extended to the city beneath and to the fertile 
island. All of it is now called Montreal. The city 
which preceded that of Montreal is thus described : 

* Hawkins's auebec, p. 45, 6. fid. p. 49. t Id. p. 50. 



368 DISCOVERY OF THE ST. LAWRENCE j 1535. [book li. 

" The City of Hochelaga is round, compassed about with 
timber, with three courses of rampircs. one within another, 
framed like a sharp spire, but laid across above. The mid- 
dlemost of them is made and built as a divert line, but per- 
pendicular. The rampires are framed and fashioned with 
pieces of timber, laid along on the ground, very well and 
cunningly joined together after their fashion. This enclo- 
sure is in height about two rods. It hath but one gate or 
entry thereat, which is shut with piles, stakes and bars. 
Over it, and also in many places of the wall, there be places 
to run along, and ladders to get up, all full of stones, for the 
defence of it. There are in the town about fifty houses, 
about fifty paces long and twelve or fifteen broad, built all 
of wood, covered over with the bark of the wood as broad 
as any board, very finely and cunningly joined together. 
Within the said houses, there are many rooms, lodgings 
and chambers. In the midst of every one, there is a great 
court, in the middle whereof they make their fire. They 
live in common together: then do the husbands, wives 
and children each one retire themselves to their chambers. 
They have also on the top of their houses certain garrets, 
wherein they keep their corn."* 

After experiencing a very kind reception from the 
inhabitants of Hochelaga, Carthier returned on the 
4th of October to his pinnace, and the next day de- 
parted with his pinnace and boats for Santa Croix, 
where he arrived on the 11th, and the day after was 
visited by the natives. In the description of their 
usages it is said, 

" They keep and observe the rites of matrimony, saving 
that every one weddeth two or three wives, which (their 
husbands being dead) do never marry again, but for the 

* Hakluyt's Collection, vol. 3, p. 220. 



CHAP. S.] DISCOVERY OF THE ST. LAWRENCE J 1535. 369 

death of their husbands wear a certain black weed all the 
days of their life, besmearing all their faces with coal dust 
and grease mingled together as thick as the back of a knife, 
and by that they are known to be widows."* 

In December, that pestilence, the scurvy, seems to 
have been among the people of Stadacona, and to 
have spread to the French. So that by the middle of 
March, of one hundred and ten persons eight were 
dead, and the rest so sick that it was thought they 
would not recover, except three or four. The cap- 
tain then walking out met Domagara, who had been 
very sick, and was now cured by drinking a decoction 
of the bark and leaves of sassafras, and putting the 
dregs upon his legs. The French tried this remedy, 
and found it very efficient both for the scurvy and 
some other diseases. f 

Hitherto the relations between Carthier and the In- 
dians had been those of amity and confidence ; so 
much so that Donnacona, on the 17th of September, 
presented him a female child (his sister's) about ten 
or twelve years old, and two male children yet 
younger ; and when he was at Hochelai, one of the 
chief lords offered him two of his children, a daughter 
seven or eight years old, and a son only two or three, 
of which Carthier only took the former, considering 
the other too young. Now, however, some suspicion 
and distrust seem to have arisen. And Carthier de- 
termined to take some prisoners to France to shew to 
the king. It may be questioned whether this deter- 
mination was not as much the cause as the effect of 
the course of the natives. On the 3d of May, being 

*Hakluyt's Collection, vol. 3, p. 223. f Id. p. 225, 6, 7. 

47 



370 DISCOVERY OF THE ST. LAWRENCE ; 1535. [book II. 

Holyrood day, he had a cross of thirty-five feet in 
height set up, under which was hung a shield, whereon 
was the arms of France, and over them was written 
Franciscus primus, Dei Gratia, Francorum Rex reg- 
nat. The same day, many of the natives visited the 
French, and Carthier had Donnacona, Targnoagny 
and Domagia, and two more of the chief men taken. 
At this Donnacona's men were greatly distressed, but 
they were told that Donnacona would be rewarded 
by the King of France, and return to them again in 
ten or twelve months. They returned thanks for this, 
and said if it should be so they would give many 
things. 

On the 6th of May, Carthier departed from the 
port of Santa Croix. It was the 2ist, before he could 
leave the Isle of Filberts. Then he passed to Hon- 
guedo ; a passage not before discovered. On the 
16th of June, he went from St. Peter's islands, and 
came to Cape Ruse, to a port called Rognoso. This 
port was left by Carthier the 19th of June; and he 
had so good a voyage that on the 6th of July 1536, 
he was again at St. Malo. 



CHAP. XI.] VOYAGE TO THE NORTHWEST IN 1530. 371 



CHAPTER XI. 

Of a voyage of Mr. Hore aud others from England to the nortliwest 

in 1536. 

The following account is from the third volume of 
Hakluyt's Collection, page 129 to 131. Mr. Biddle, 
in his Memoir of Cabot, page 278, referring to this 
voyage, says it evidently contemplated an adventurous 
range of research. Members of the bar will be at- 
tracted by the name of Mr. Rastall, Sergeant RastalPs 
brother : 

•' The master Hore of London, a man of goodly statnre 
and of great courage, and given to the study of cosmogra- 
phy, in the twenty-eighth year of King Henry the Eighth, 
and in the year of our Lord 1536, encouraged divers gen- 
tlemen and others, being assisted by the king's favour and 
good countenance, to accompany him in a voyage of dis- 
covery upon the northwest parts of America: wherein his 
persuasions took such effect, that within short space many 
gentlemen of the inns of court and of the chancery, and 
divers others of good worship, desirous to see the strange 
things of the world, very wilHngly entered into the action 
with him, some of whose names were as followeth : Mr. 
Weekes, a gentleman of the west country, of five hundred 
marks by the year living ; Mr. Tucke, a gentleman of Kent ; 
Mr. Tuckfield; Mr. Thomas Buts, the son of Sir William 
Buts, knight, of Norfolk, which was lately living, and from 
whose mouth I wrote most of this relation ; Mr. Hardie ; 
Mr. Biron ; Mr. Carter ; Mr. Wright ; Mr. Rastall, Sergeant 



372 VOYAGE TO THE NORTHWEST IN 1536. [book ii. 

Rastall's brother ; Mr. Ridley, and divers others, which all 
were in the Admiral, called the Trinity, a ship of seven 
score tons, wherein Mr. Hore himself was embarked. In 
the other ship, whose name was the Minion, went a very 
learned and virtuous gentleman, one Mr. Armigil Wade, af- 
terwards clerk of the councils of King Henry the Eighth 
and King Edward the Sixth, father to the worshipful Mr. 
William Wade, now clerk of the privy council ; Mr. Oliver 
Dawbeney, merchant of London ; Mr. Joy, afterward gen- 
tleman of the King's Chapel, with divers other of good ac- 
count. The whole number that went in the two tall ships 
aforesaid, to wit, the Trinity and the Minion, were about 
six score persons, whereof thirty were gentlemen, which 
all we mustered in warlike manner at Gravesend, and after 
the receiving of the sacrament, they embarked themselves 
in the end of April 1536. 

" From the time of their setting out from Gravesend, 
they were very long at sea, to wit, about two months, and 
never touched any land until they came to part of the West 
Indias about Cape Breton, shaping their course thence 
northeastwards, until they came to the island of Penguin, 
which is very full of rocks and stones, whereon they went, 
and found it full of great fowls, white and grey, as big as 
geese, and they saw infinite numbers of their eggs. They 
drove a great number of the fowls into their boats upon 
their sails, and took up many of their eggs : the fowls they 
flayed, and their skins were very like honey combs full of 
holes, being flayed off": They dressed and eat them and 
found them to be very good and nourishing meat. They 
saw also store of hares both black and white, of whom 
they killed some, and took them for no bad food. 

" Mr. Oliver Dawbeney, which (as it is before mentioned) 
was in this voyage, and in the Minion, told Mr. Richard 
Hakluyt of the Middle Temple, these things following, to 
wit : That after their arrival in Newfoundland, and having 



CHAP. XI.] VOYAGE TO THE NORTHWEST IN 1536. 373 

been there certain days at anchor, and not having yet seen 
any of the natural people of the country, the same Daw- 
beney walking one day on the hatches, spied a boat with 
savages of those parts, rowing down the bay toward them, 
to gaze upon the ship and our people, and taking view of 
their coming aloft, he called to such as were under the 
hatches, and willed them to come up if they would see the 
natural people of the country that they had so long and so 
much desired to see : whereupon they came up, and took 
view of the savages rowing toward them and their ship, 
and upon the view they manned out a ship boat to meet 
them and to take them. But they spying our ship boat 
making towards them, returned with main force and fled 
into an island that lay up in the bay or river there, and our 
men pursued them into the island, and the savages fled and 
escaped : but our men found a fire, and the side of a bear 
on a wooden spit left at the same by the savages that were 
fled. 

'•' There in the same plilce, they found a boot of leather 
garnished on the outward side of the calf with certain 
brave trails, as it were of raw silk, and also found a certain 
great warm mitten ; and these carried with them, they re- 
turned to their ship, not finding the savages, nor seeing any 
thing else besides the soil, and the things growing in the 
same, which chiefly were store of fir and pine trees. 

" And further the said Mr. Dawbeney told him, that ly- 
ing there they grew into great want of victuals, and that 
there they found small relief, more than that they had from 
the nest of an osprey, that brought hourly to her young 
great plenty of divers sorts of fishes. But such was the 
famine that increased amongst them from day to day, that 
they were forced to seek to relieve themselves of raw herbs 
and roots that they sought on the main : but the famine in- 
creasing, and the relief of herbs being to little purpose to 
satisfy their insatiable hunger, in the fields and deserts here 



374 VOYAGE TO THE NORTHWEST IN 1536. [book ii. 

and there, the fellow killed his mate while he stooped to 
take np a root for his relief, arid cutting out pieces of his 
body whom he had murdered, broiled the same on the coals 
and greedily devoured them. 

" By this mean the company decreased, and the officers 
knew not what was become of them ; and it fortuned that 
one of the company driven with hunger to seek abroad for 
relief found out in the fields the savor of broiled flesh, and 
fell out with one for that he would suffer him and his fel- 
lows to starve, enjoying plenty as he thought : and this mat- 
ter growing to cruel speeches he that had the broiled meat, 
burst out into these words : If thou wouldst needs know, 
the broiled meat that 1 had was a piece of such a man's 
buttock. The report of this brought to the ship, the cap- 
tain found what became of those that were missing, and 
was persuaded that some of them were neither devoured 
with wild beasts, nor yet destroyed with savages; and 
hereupon he stood up and made a notable oration, contain- 
ing, how much these dealings %)ff'ended the Almighty, and 
vouched the Scriptures from first to last, what God had in 
cases of distress done for them that called upon him, and 
told them that the power of the Almighty was then no less 
than in all former time it had been, and added, that if it 
had not pleased God to have helped them in that distress, 
that it had been better to have perished in body and to have 
lived everlastingly, than to have relieved for a poor time 
their mortal bodies and to be condemned everlastingly, both 
body and soul, to the unquenchable fire of Hell. And thus 
having ended to that effect, he began to exhort to repent- 
ance, and besought all the company to pray, that it might 
please God to look upon their miserable present state, and 
for his own mercy to relieve the same. The famine in- 
creasing, and the inconvenience of the men that were mis- 
sing being found, they agreed amongst themselves rather 
than all should perish, to cast lots who should be killed : 



CHAP. XI.] VOYAGE TO THE NORTHWEST IN 1536. 375 

And such was the mercy of God, that the same night there 
arrived a French ship in that port, well furnished with vic- 
tual, and such was the policy of the English, that they be- 
came masters of the same, and changing ships and victual- 
ing them, they set sail to come into England, 

"In their journey they were so far northwards, that they 
saw mighty islands of ice in the summer season, on which 
were hawks and other fowls to rest themselves, being weary 
of flying over far from the main. They saw also certain great 
white fowls with red bills and red legs, somewhat bigger 
than herons, which they supposed to be storks. They ar- 
rived at St. Ives in Cornwall about the end of October. 
From thence they departed unto a certain castle belonging 
to Sir John Luttrell, where Mr. Thomas Buts and Mr. Rastall 
and other gentlemen of the voyage were very friendly en- 
tertained : After that they came to the Earl of Bath at Bath, 
and thence to Bristol, so to London. Mr. Buts was so 
changed in the voyage with hunger and misery, that Sir 
William his father and my Lady his mother knew him not 
to be their son, until they found a secret mark which was 
a wart upon one of his knees, as he told me, Richard 
Haklnyt of Oxford, himself, to whom I rode two hundred 
miles only to learn the whole truth of this voyage from his 
own mouth, as being the only man now alive that was in this 
discovery. 

" Certain months after, those Frenchmen came into Eng- 
land, and made complaint to King Henry the Eighth : The 
king causing the matter to be examined, and finding the 
great distress of his subjects, and the causes of the dealing 
so with the French, was so moved with pity, that he pu- 
nished not his subjects, but of his own purse made full and 
royal recompence unto the French. 

"In this distress of famine, the English did somewhat 
relieve their vital spirits, by drinking at the springs the fresh 
water out of certain wooden cups, out of which they had 
drunk their aqua composita before." 



376 EXPEDITION OF DE SOTO IN 1539. [BOOK II. 



CHAPTER XII. 

Of the expedition of Ferdinand de Soto to Florida in 1539, and his 
march thence to the Mississippi ; his death in 1541 ; and the subse- 
quent progress of his ti'oops. 

On Ferdinand de Soto, who had served with repu- 
tation under Pizarro in Peru, Charles the Fifth con- 
ferred the government of Cuba, with the rank of 
General of Florida, and the title of Marquis of the 
lands which he should conquer there. After making 
a short stay at Havana, he sailed thence on the 18th 
of May 1339. A letter of the 9th of July following, 
from De Soto to the municipal body of the City of 
Santiago of the Isle of Cuba, and a relation of Luis 
Hernandez de Biedma, who went as factor to the ex- 
pedition, are in the volume of Pieces on Florida, 
published at Paris in 1841, in Ternaux's Collection 
of Voyages, Relations and Memoirs. From these 
sources, and from the account of the expedition found 
in the volume of Roberts, mentioned already on page 
295, this chapter is derived. 

De Soto is stated in one account to have sailed 
with nine vessels, having on board three hundred and 
fifty horse and nine hundred foot, together with a 
great number of mariners ; in another he is stated to 
have disembarked six hundred and twenty men and 
two hundred and twenty-three horses. He reached 
the coast of Florida on the 25th, and anchored in 



CHAP. XIl] EXPEDITION OF DE SOTO IN 1539. 377 

Baya Honda : the Bay of Spiritu Sancto. The Spa- 
niards took possession of a village on this bay, which 
the Indians deserted on their arrival. On one side of 
the village was a sort of temple to an idol. The idol 
was placed over the entrance, and was in the shape 
of a bird, made of wood and gilded over. 

De Soto sent Baltasar de Gallegos with forty ca- 
valiers and as many foot soldiers, to seek a country- 
man who he learnt was with one of the caciques. 
On the^way, they met nine Indians coming with the 
European. He had in his hand a bow and arrows, 
and was naked and painted like the Indians. 

" This man, whose name was John Ortiz, was a native of 
Seville, and born of a noble family. He had served in the 
expedition under Narvaez about twelve years before, and 
had the good fortune to escape back again to Cuba. Hence 
he returned to Florida in a brigantine, by the desire of the 
lady of Narvaez, in quest of her husband. At his arrival 
upon this coast, meeting with some Indians, who pretended 
to have a letter for him from Narvaez, he and another were 
rash enough to land, at their invitation, in opposition to the 
advice of the people on board. The Indians immediately 
surrounded them, killed his companion, who offered to 
make resistance, and carried off Ortiz to their chief, called 
Ucita; none on board daring to land, to give him any as- 
sistance. The Indian sentenced him to be burnt alive, 
which had surely been his fate, but that a sudden emotion 
of pity touched the heart of Ucita's daughter, who pre- 
vailed upon her father to give him his life. Ortiz was then 
set to guard the temple above mentioned from the wolves, 
which often came to carry off the bodies that were laid 
there. It happened, that these animals seized the body of 
the son of an Indian of considerable rank : Ortiz pursued 
48 



378 EXPEDITION OF DE SOTO IN 1539. [BOOK II. 

them, and had the good fortune to kill one of the wolves, 
and recover the carcase. This action endeared him to 
Ucita, who began to treat him more kindly. Three years 
passed thus, when an Indian chief, called Mocoso, attacked 
Ucita, burnt his village, and forced him to fly to another 
place he had by the sea-shore. These wild people have a 
custom of sacrificing the lives of strangers that fall into 
their hands to evil spirits, whom they suppose to be pleased 
with such victims. This fate Ucita destined Ortiz to ; but 
the same girl, who had saved him from the fire, counselled 
him to fly to Mocoso, who, she said, would treat him well, 
and wanted to see him. As he was unacquainted with the 
way, she put him into the road, and returned unperceived 
herself. Ortiz travelled till he came to a rivulet on the 
frontier of the dominions of Mocoso, where he found two 
Indians fishing. As these people were at war with those 
he came from, he was apprehensive they would treat him 
as an enemy, and the more so because he was unable to ex- 
plain his design, and what brought him thither to them, 
neither understanding the language of the other; to pre- 
vent this, he ran to the place where their arms lay, and in- 
stantly seized them. The Indians, alarmed, flew imme- 
diately to the town, whence their cries presently brought 
numbers of Indians, who surrounded Ortiz, and were upon 
the point of killing him, in vain crying out that he was the 
Christian of Ucita; when, providentially, an Indian joined 
them who happened to understand his language, and ap- 
peased his companions by explaining the words of Ortiz 
to them. Upon this, four of the savages were sent ofl" with 
the news to Mocoso, who received Ortiz very cordially, and 
promised, if any Christians should arrive in that country, 
he would give him leave to retire with them. Among 
these Indians Ortiz resided for the course of twelve years, 
and had long despaired of ever seeing another European, 
when Mocoso informed him that the Christians had made 



CHAP, xri.] EXPEDITION OF DE SOTO IN 1539. 379 

a descent at the town of Ucita. Ortiz, at first, showed a 
difficulty of believing him; but the cacique seriously in- 
sisted upon the truth of this intelligence, and permitted 
him to go to join them : adding, that if he did not, he 
must blame himself alone when the Christians were gone, 
since the promise made to him had been performed. Ortiz 
thanked the Indian in the gratefullest terms, who, at his 
departure, sent several of his people to escort him ; and 
these were they whom the above mentioned party, from 
Soto's army, met."* 

The little party that came to escort Ortiz home did 
not escape being attacked ; one of them was wound- 
ed; and a horseman was running with his lance at 
their companion, when he cried out : " Gentlemen, I 
am a Christian, do not kill me nor these poor people 
who have given me life." He and those with him 
were then taken by the cavaliers on their horses ; on 
his arrival in the camp, the general presented him 
with clothes, arms, and a good horse. He had been 
so long accustomed to the Indian language, that it 
was more than four days before he could speak two 
consecutive words of any other. If he spoke one in 
Spanish, he would add four or five in the language of 
the Indians. 

De Soto also dispatched Gallegos with eighty lan- 
cers and one hundred foot soldiers to reconnoitre the 
country. They first marched west ; then northeast. 
Arriving near a cacique named Hurripacuxi, distant 
twenty leagues from the coast, he sent some Indians 
to treat with the Spaniards. De Soto writes, that 
after having concluded with the Spaniards, he did not 

* Roberts, p. 35 to 37. 



380 EXPEDITION OF DE SOTO IN 1539. [BOOK 11. 

keep his promises ; and that for this reason, Gallegos 
caused him to be arrested, with seventeen Indians, 
among whom were some chiefs. Roberts states that 
the Spanish officer put the Indian messengers in irons 
and sent information of his proceedings to De Soto, 
who leaving part of his men to guard the post, 
marched with the rest and joined Gallegos. After 
passing with some difficulty a very rapid river, they 
arrived at a small village called Cale or Ocale or Eto- 
cale, ^hich was found deserted. Here they stopped 
seven or eight days and took three or four Indians to 
serve as guides in the province of Apalache. Leav- 
ing Cale on the 11th of August, Soto took the direc- 
tion of New Spain, marching along at a distance of 
ten or twelve leagues from the coast. He lay first at 
Hara, next at Potano, then at Utimana, and on the 
fourth day at a place called by the Spaniards Mala- 
paz, whence he came to a village named Aguacale- 
cuen. Here it was intimated to Soto, that Narvaez 
had not penetrated into the country beyond where 
they now were, but the general determined to go 
farther. The Spaniards stopped here five or six- 
days and possessed themselves of ten or twelve wo- 
men, one of whom was daughter of the cacique. 
The cacique presented himself in a friendly way, but 
he too was carried off. Leaving Aguacalecuen on 
the 20th of September, in five days Soto arrived at 
Napetaca. About this place the Indians attempted to 
regain their cacique ; Biedma puts the number of the 
Indians at one hundred and fifty ; Roberts, it will be 
perceived, states the number larger ; his account is as 
follows ; 



CHAP. XII.] EXPEDITION OF DE SOTO IN 1539. 381 

"John Ortiz learned from an Indian, that they had re- 
solved to assemble and attack the army, in order to set their 
chief at liberty by force. The general being apprised of 
this, ordered all the infantry and cavalry to arm, and to re- 
main so prepared in their quarters, not to give the Indians 
any suspicion, who, to the number of four hundred, in arms, 
were posted in a wood a little way from the camp. Thus 
stationed, they sent two men to demand their cacique of 
the governor; who, taking him by the hand, and talking 
to him, the better to satisfy the Indians, advanced near the 
place where they had posted themselves ; but, observing 
them to be preparing for battle, he commanded an alarm to 
be sounded; at which all the Spaniards rushed out with 
such fury, that the Indians, surprised and thrown into con- 
fusion, thought only of flight. Forty of them were killed 
on the spot by the spear, and the rest threw themselves 
into two neighbouring lakes, where the Spaniards fired upon 
them as they were swimming, though to little effect. Soto 
not having people enough for both, surrounded only one of 
the lakes, out of which the Indians endeavoured to escape 
by swimming softly to the banks in the night, covering 
their heads with water-lilies; but the horse, perceiving the 
water to be put in motion, pushed up to the belly in the 
lake, and drove them back again. A great part of the 
night having thus passed, without any repose on either side, 
Ortiz called out to them to submit to the governor, since 
there was no possibility of escaping : which they at last 
agreed to do, compelled by the severe cold they felt in the 
water. They all surrendered, except about twelve, who 
resolutely determined rather to die in the lake ; but the In- 
dians of Paracoxi threw themselves in, dragged them out 
by the hair, and they were immediately chained together. 
All the rest were divided amongst the Spaniards, to serve 
as slaves. The misery of this slavery was so intolerable 
to those savages, that they resolved to free themselves from 



382 EXPEDITION OF DE SOTO IN 1539. [book II. 

it ; and, for that end, one of them, who acted as inter- 
preter, undertook to strangle the general whilst he was 
talking with him, by throwing both hands at once suddenly 
upon his neck ; but, in the instant of attempting it, Soto 
struck the Indian upon the face so furiously, as, in a mo- 
ment, to cover it over with blood. All the Indians were 
roused at this signal, and a terrible battle ensued ; each sa- 
vage using for a weapon, the club with which they bruised 
the maize, or the sword or lances of their masters that 
happened to lie near them, and managed them with as 
much dexterity as the Spaniards themselves could do: till, 
at last, after having given wonderful proof of valour and in- 
trepidity, they were overpowered by numbers, and the whole 
body, consisting of about two hundred, taken ; several of 
whom were fastened to stakes, and shot to death by the 
arrows of the Paracoxi Indians."* 

The Spaniards marched from Napetaca on the 23d 
of September, and in a province named Veachile, or 
Uzachil, passed a river on which were some villages 
that had been abandoned. In scouring the country, 
about one hundred Indians were picked up and di- 
vided among the soldiery, to be used for servile offices. 
Of these, we are told that " the chain they were fas- 
tened with, by the neck, did not much hinder them ;" 
and that " as for the women and children they were 
suffered to go unchained, whenever they had come 
sixty or a hundred miles from their respective homes." 

The general proceeded to a village named A guile, 
or Axille, on the frontier of the province of Apalache, 
separated from the former by a river. Over this the 
Spaniards threw a bridge built of a great number of 
barks attached to one another. They crossed the ri- 

* Roberts, p. 39, 40. 



CHAP, xn] EXPEDITION OF DE SOTO IN 1539. 383 

ver with much trouble ; for the Indians on its bank 
forbid its passage. When the Spaniards had gotten 
over, the Indians went to a neighbouring village 
named Ivitachuco. To this they set fire as the Spa- 
niards were approaching it. 

The Spaniards having arrived at a village called 
Iniahico, distant a hundred and ten leagues from the 
port where the rest of the men had been left, went 
nine miles to the place on the coast where Narvaez 
had his barks constructed. They saw a great num- 
ber of bones of horses, and recognized the place 
where a forge had been established. The Indians 
related that some other Christians had built barks 
in this place. 

Juan de Aiiasco, by the orders of the general, went 
back to the port and sent thence the troop to this 
place, and brought hither the foot soldiers in two bri- 
gantines. He arrived at Paleche the 25th of De- 
cember. After the arrival of the brigantines, the go- 
vernor made them set out again to seek a neighbour- 
ing port. Francisco Maldonado of Salamanca hav- 
ing embarked for this purpose, came in a province 
called Ochuse to a good port ; described as sixty 
leagues from Paleche. When Maldonado returned 
after an absence of two months, the governor told 
him that he was going to seek a country on another 
sea. Maldonado was directed to go to Cuba with the 
brigantines (on board of which was Dona Isabella de 
Bobadilla, wife of the governor,) and to come back 
with them to the river of Saint Esprit. De Soto left 
Paleche the 3d of March 1540, and marched towards 
the north to search for gold ; being induced to do so 



384 MARCH OF DE SOTO IN 1540. [book ii. 

by information received from a young Indian taken 
at Napetaca. The men were ordered to take provi- 
sion for sixty leagues of desert, which they were ob- 
Hged, we are told, to carry themselves, " as the Indian 
prisoners had for the most part perished through the 
winter's fatigue." In five days they came to a very 
rapid river on which they could not construct a bridge 
because of the force of the current. They made a 
canoe ; and it took them a day and a half to cross in 
this. They arrived on the 11th of March at Acapa- 
chequi, or Capachiqui, and on the 21st at Toalli, hav- 
ing been a good deal annoyed on the way by the In- 
dians. They encountered two rivers over which they 
had to make bridges of pine trees attached to one 
another ; came to a province named Otoa, where they 
found the most considerable village that they had yet 
seen ; and were five or six days crossing a province 
named Chesi. They marched then three days with- 
out finding any habitation, and came to a province 
called Altapaha. 

"We found there," says Biedma, -'a river which does 
not run towards the south, like those we had already passed ; 
it came from from the east and enters the sea on the coast 
where the Licentiate Lucas d'Aillon arrived." 

The troops proceeded to Ocute and to Cofoqui, 
the caciques whereof furnished eight hundred Indians 
to carry provisions and baggage. The guides took 
immediately the direction of the east. The Spa- 
niards marched so for three days, and then in half a 
league came to a large river. Juan de Anasco being 
told to descend it in the direction of the south south- 



CHAP. XII.] MARCH OF DE SOTO IN 1540. 385 

east, returned in four days, saying he had found a Ut- 
tle hamlet and some provisions. The general pro- 
ceeded thither and stayed there three or four days. 

" We set out," continues Biedma, "for the village of Co- 
fitachyque, which was in two days march from this hamlet, 
situate on the bank of a river which we believed to be that 
of Saint Helena, where the Licentiate Ayllon went. When 
we arrived there, the queen sent us one of her nieces, who 
was carried on a litter by the Indians, and seemed to have 
much authority. She said she was well content that we 
had arrived at her house, and would give us all in her power. 
She offered to the governor a necklace of pearls of five or 
six rows, procured for us some canoes to pass the river, and 
gave us for lodgings half the village. After three or four 
days, she fled to the forest. The governor had search 
made for her, but she could not be found. He caused to 
be opened a temple wherein the chiefs of the country were 
interred. We took from it a large quantity of pearls." 

Biedma goes on to say, 

" We found interred two hatchets from Spain, for cutting 
wood, a chaplet of berries of the wild olive tree and some 
small pearls like those which they bring from Spain to use 
in exchanges with the Indians. We thought that they had 
procured all these objects in trafficking with the people 
who had accompanied the licentiate Ayllon. Afterwards 
these Indians told us the sea was thirty leagues from them. 
We learnt that the company of Ayllon had advanced very 
little into the interior ; that it had followed almost always 
the sea coast until his death, and that his companions killed 
one another, not being able to agree amongst themselves 
upon the choice of a chief A large number died of hun- 
ger, as was related by one of the soldiers who remained in 
49 



386 MARCH OF DE SOTO IN 1540. [BOOK II. 

the country. Of six hundred men whom Ayllon had dis- 
embarked, there escaped only fifty-seven."* 

While the Spaniards remained in the village of this 
queen, the young Indian before mentioned was bap- 
tized by the name of Pedro, and loosed from the 
chain which he had dragged all the way hither. After 
staying here ten or twelve days, the Spaniards pro- 
ceeded north. They marched for eight days in a 
poor country, in which they found but few provisions, 
and came to a province named Xuala. Cofitachyque 
is mentioned to be about one hundred and thirty miles 
from Ocute, and Xuala about two hundred and fifty 
miles from Cofitachyque. In Xuala they were in a 
mountainous country. Biedma speaks of going to 
the source of the great river which they had followed. 
Thence they passed to a village called Guasuli or 
Tuaxulla, and in four days more came to a village 
called China or Chiaha ; mentioned by Biedma as in 
an isle of the river. Roberts describes Chiaha as 
situated on a river which dividing into two branches 
formed an island somewhat more than a mile long and 
two bow shots across. The army rested here twenty- 
six or twenty-seven days. 

" The cacique of Acoste came to offer his services to 
Soto, who enquired of him whether he knew of any rich 
or fertile country ? He answered, that more to the north,, 
there lay the province of Chisca, where copper was found, 
and another metal purer and livelier, which, though more 
beautiful than the former, was yet not much used, because 
it was softer. Charmed with this relation, Soto determined 

* See ante, chapter 1, p. 299. 



CHAP. XII.] MARCH OF DE SOTO IN 1540. 387 

to make forChisca; but, being informed that mountains 
interposed, craggy and impenetrable to cavalry, he thought 
of avoiding the direct road, and to pass some way about, if 
possible, through a peopled country, where both men and 
horses might find better subsistence, and he more perfect 
intelligence. To accomplish this the easier, he dispatched 
two Spaniards to Chisca, with an interpreter, and some In- 
dians acquainted with the country, who were to meet him 
at an appointed place. 

" Soto now took leave of the cacique of Chiaha, and 
having made him some presents, with which he was greatly 
pleased, marched for Acoste, where he arrived on the 12th 
of July ; and, having pitched his camp at a small distance 
from the town, entered it himself with eight guards. The 
cacique received him with much civility ; but, as they 
were conversing, a few Spanish soldiers entered the town, 
in quest of maize, and not finding any to their liking, they 
began to ransack for it in the houses ; which so provoked 
the Indians, that they fell upon the soldiers with clubs, and 
beat them severely. Soto saw his danger; the natives 
were enraged, and his person in their hands. On this oc- 
casion, therefore, he deigned to dissemble, though very dis- 
agreeable to his nature; and, snatching up a stick, ran im- 
mediately and assisted the Indians to beat the Spaniards, 
dispatching at the same instant, a man to the camp, with 
orders for the horse to advance, well armed. Then, taking 
the hand of the cacique very afiectionately, he drew him 
insensibly, while conversing, into a path in sight of the 
army ; during which, the horse, advancing in file, sur- 
rounded and carried both him and his Indians into the 
camp, where the general confined them, and declared they 
should not regain their liberty until they had furnished the 
army with guides, and those Spaniards who were sent to 
Chisca. should have returned in safety. 



388 MARCH OF DE SOTO IN 1540. [BOOK ii. 

" Three days after, they returned with news that the 
way wherein the Indians conducted them, as the best, was 
so miserably rugged, and the country so barren, that no 
army could possibly march through it ; and, therefore, see- 
ing it would be to no purpose to proceed, they had re- 
solved to turn back again."* 

The cacique was set at liberty on furnishing guides 
to the army, which then marched to Tali, where it 
arrived the 9th of July. For six days Soto marched 
over the lands of the cacique of Coca or Cosa, where 
he arrived the 16th of July. Leaving Cosa on the 
20th of August, he took the direction of the west 
and southwest. The account in Roberts is, that he 
marched first to Tallimuchase and thence to Itava, 
where he had to wait a few days for the water of the 
river to fall. He then marched to Ulliballi, a town 
situated on a rivulet, and palisadoed around. He 
marched hence to Toasi, proceeding at the rate of 
about five or six leagues a day, when in a peopled 
country, but with all possible expedition when travers- 
ing a desert. From Toasi, in five days, he came to 
Tallise, a large town, with a well cultivated country 
about it. After reposing here twenty days, he set out 
for Tascaluca, whence he took the cacique with him. 
Biedma's narrative of the journey on leaving Cosa is 
more brief. It is, that for five or six days they found 
villages belonging to the cacique of Cosa, and then 
arrived in another province named Italisi, at setting 
out from which they directed themselves towards the 
south, in the direction of New Spain ; that they passed 

* Roberts, p. 49 to 51. The name in Biedraa is not Acoste, but Costehe. He describes 
the villages of this province as built also in isles of the river. 



CHAP. XII.] MARCH OF DE SOTO IN 1540. 389 

some villages and arrived in a province named Tas- 
caluca or Faszalusa. The army came to Piache, a 
town situated on a large river. Biedma says : 

" We believed it to be that which empties into the bay 
of Chiise. We learnt that the barks of Narvaez arrived 
there in want of water, and that a Christian named Teo- 
doro and an Indian remained with the Indians. They 
shewed us a poignard which had belonged to the Christian. 
We were two days constructing rafts to pass the river. 
During this time the Indians killed one of the governor's 
guard. He, greatly dissatisfied, maltreated the cacique and 
told him he would cause him to be burnt alive if he did not 
deliver him the murderers ; the cacique replied that he 
would deliver them at Mavila." 

Mavila is called in Roberts, Maville. Biedma de- 
scribes it as " a little village built on a plain, sur- 
rounded by walls, and very strong." On entering 
this village, he says, they saw only three or four hun- 
dred Indians, but there were many more concealed. 
The Indians feasted them and had a dance, in which 
fifteen or twenty women figured. After they had 
danced some time, the cacique arose. The governor 
said something to him at his going out, and was not 
satisfied with his answer. The captain of the guard 
following the cacique to his house, saw there a great 
number of warriors ; the houses were filled with In- 
dians armed with bows and arrows. Biedma conti- 
nues as follows : 

" The governor caused another cacique to be called, who 
was passing by, but this man refused to come. A gentle- 
man, who was near him, took him by the arm to bring 



390 MARCH OF DE SOTO IN 1540. [book ii. 

him, but this man made a movement by which he disen- 
gaged himself. Then the gentleman drew his sword and 
gave him a blow, which cut his arm. No sooner was the 
Indian wounded, than all the others began to lance their 
arrows from the interior of the houses, through the nume- 
rous holes which they had in use. As we were not on our 
guard, for we believed them our friends, we experienced so 
considerable a loss that we were compelled to flee out of 
the village. All the baggage which the Indians had been 
carrying, remained in the place where they had put it down. 
As soon as the Spaniards got out, the Indians closed the 
gates of the village, and began to beat the drum, to raise 
their colours and make great cries. They opened our 
coff"ers and our packets, and from the top of the walls, 
shewed us our effects, of which they had taken possession. 
On coming out of the village, we mounted on horseback 
and surrounded the walls, so as to stop the Indians from 
going out. The governor ordered on foot sixty or eighty 
of our men, all well armed, and he direc.ted us to divide 
ourselves into four platoons, and go to attack the village in 
four different places. The first who entered had orders to 
fire the houses, to stop the besieged from doing us harm. 
The cavaliers, and the other soldiers who were not armed, 
had orders to guard the exterior of the city, so that no In- 
dian should escape. We penetrated it, and set fire to it. 
A great number of Indians were burnt, and all of our bag- 
gage. We fought all day and till evening, without any 
Indian's asking quarter : they defended themselves like fu- 
rious lions. All perished ; some by the sword, others by 
the fire ; those who attempted to fly, were killed with 
blows from lances. When night came, there remained only 
three Indians, who were guarding the twenty women that 
they had brought us for the dance : they placed the wo- 
men before them ; these crossed their hands and made signs 
to the Spaniards as if to tell them to take them ; then they 



CHAP. XII.] MARCH OF DE SOTO IN 1540. 391 

retired, and the three Indians lanced arrows at us. We 
killed two of them ; and the only one who remained, not 
being willing to surrender, mounted a tree by the wall, de- 
tached the cord from his bow, passed it around his neck, 
and hung himself there." 

The account in Roberts is, that twenty-five hun- 
dred Indians perished on this occasion by fire and 
sword. Of the Spaniards, Biedma says, more than 
twenty were killed, and more than two hundred and 
fifty wounded. They remained here twenty-seven or 
twenty-eight days, for the wounded to get better; 
those most severely injured had the women divided 
amongst them to serve them ; all recovered. From 
the natives they learnt that they were now eighty 
leagues fi-om the sea. The governor was much 
pressed to go thither to get some news of the brigan- 
tines, but decUned doing so. It was now the middle 
of November, and was very cold. On the 18th, he 
proceeded towards the north. In a march of ten or 
twelve days, the army suffered extremely from the 
cold, and from having to ford rivers. At one river 
the Indians wished to prevent the passage : the Spa- 
niards made a halt of three days and then passed it in 
a canoe. They were now in an extensive and fertile 
province, where they could winter until the most se- 
vere cold was passed ; for, says Biedma, " there falls 
in this country more snow than in Spain." The 
name of this province was Chicaza or Chicaca. The 
cacique and his subjects visited the Spaniards and 
made presents. In March 1541, when it was near 
the time for departing, they were surprised in the 
night. 



392 MARCH OF DE SOTO IN 1540. [BOOK ii. 

'' Three hundred Indians," says Biedma, "entered two 
by two or four and four in the village, bringing fire, which 
they had put in small pots, so that they should not be per- 
ceived. When these Indians arrived, we heard another 
troop with war cries : the first had already set fire to the 
village. We experienced a great loss. That night they 
killed fifty-seven horses, more than three hundred hogs and 
thirty or forty men." 

The Spaniards removed a league from the place of 
this action ; they were now without saddles, lances or 
bucklers ; all had been burnt ; and it was necessary 
at once to go to work to supply their places. Five 
days after, the Indians made a new attack; but this 
being no surprise, many of them were killed and the 
rest put to flight. After a stay of six or seven weeks, 
in which time the Spaniards were labouring to make 
saddles, lances and bucklers, they set out towards the 
northwest on the 25th of April and went to the pro- 
vince of Alibanio or Alimamu. In this province the 
Spaniards encountered a very strong palisade and 
three hundred warriors, who seemed determined to 
die rather than let them pass. In carrying the pali- 
sade, seven or eight of the Spaniards were killed and 
twenty-five wounded. Marching onward, they en- 
tered unexpectedly a village named Quizquiz, where 
they took more than three hundred women ; the in- 
habitants, as well as many others in the neighbour- 
hood, were tributary to the sovereign of Pacaha. 
When the Indians were informed of the capture of 
their women, they came in a friendly way to reclaim 
them ; and the governor restored them ; the Indians 
promising to furnish some canoes to pass the great 



CHAP. XII.] THE MISSISSIPPI CROSSED, 393 

river. But this was not done. The Spaniards en- 
camped on the bank of the river and determined to 
make four barks, to contain each sixty or seventy men 
and five or six horses ; twenty-seven or twenty-eight 
days were employed in their construction. Roberts 
speaks of the river as " the largest of Florida," de- 
scribes it as " about a mile and a half over, very 
deep and very rapid." He calls it the Rio le Grand. 
Biedma says, 

" The river was about a league wide. We passed it 
with much order; it was nineteen or twenty fathoms 
deep." 

It was the Mississippi. On the other side of it 
were some good villages. The Spaniards going up the 
stream, came to a province, the cacique of which was 
named Ycasqui, and was at war with him of Pacaha. 
Ycasqui told the Spaniards he had heard them spoken 
of for a long time, and he did not wish to be at war 
with them, but to do them service. The Spaniards 
encamped on a plain in sight of his village and made 
a halt here of two days. The cacique asked the go- 
vernor to give him a sign by which he could ask for 
assistance during his wars and obtain water for tillage. 
The governor ordered a large cross to be made, and 
told the cacique he would want nothing if he had 
faith in it. After it was made, the Spaniards march- 
ed with the cacique and his men in procession to the 
village. 

" The caciques of this country," says Biedma, " were 
accustomed to raise near their houses, hills quite elevated ; 
some even have their dwellings high on these hills. It 
50 



394 DE SOTO's MARCH BEYOND THE MISSISSIPPI. [BOOK II. 

was on one of these little hills that we planted the cross. 
We all with much devotion kneeled at the foot of it. 
After having imitated us, the Indians brought a great num- 
ber of reeds, with which they made a wall quite around it. 
That evening we returned to our camp, and the next day 
we set out for Pacaha, which was situated higher. We 
marched two days and came to a village in the middle of a 
plain, surrounded by walls and a ditch filled with water, 
dug by the hand of man." 

From this village the Indians had nearly all fled. 
The cacique at whose house the cross was planted 
coming hither with his men, the governor gave him 
all that was found in this village. The governor so- 
journed in this place to learn if he could take a route 
to the north and pass over to the South sea. After 
a stay of twenty-six or twenty-seven days (during 
which various excursions were made), some of the 
Spaniards advanced towards the northeast. They 
travelled for eight days in a desert covered with very 
large marshes, and in which nothing was seen but 
high and thick grass or herbs which it was difficult 
for the horses to pass. Returning to Pacaha, where 
the governor had remained, the cacique of this pro- 
vince was found on friendly terms both with the go- 
vernor and Ycasqui. 

De Soto now marched towards the southeast to a 
province named Quiquata, where was the greatest 
village he had seen in Florida ; it was upon an arm 
of the great river. Their arrival here was the 4th of 
August, and they stopped eight or nine days. Then 
they set out for the province of Cohgua, distant about 
forty leagues ; and passed over vast plains and high 



CHAP. XII.] DE SOTO's MARCH BEYOND THE MISSISSIPPI. 395 

mountains. Their route was now towards the west 
southwest. They came to some scattering villages 
which had the name of Tatil Coya. Here was seen 
a large river which empties into the Rio Grande. 
Ascending the former, they came to a province called 
Cayas; the population of which was considerable. 
It was composed of several villages ; the country was 
mountainous. 

The governor leaving the rest of his men in Cayas, 
set out with twenty horse for the province of Tula, 
spoken of by some of the Indians they had taken. 
They crossed steep mountains to get there, and upon 
their arrival began to take some Indians. 

" They defended themselves," says Biedmaj " and 
wounded that day seven or eight Spaniards and nine or 
ten horses. They were so brave that they would reassem- 
ble in troops of eight or ten and set upon us like enraged 
dogs. We killed of them about thirty or forty." 

The governor returning to his troop found the In- 
dians which had been taken had fled, and those be- 
longing to the province the interpreter could not com- 
prehend. After a rencounter with the Indians, in 
which some of them were killed, De Soto took a route 
southeast and went to a province named Quipana, si- 
tuate at the foot of very high mountains. Then turn- 
ing east, he crossed these mountains and descended 
in a plain. Near by, was a village on the bank of a 
large river which emptied into that by which he had 
come. The province was named Viranque, or Au- 
tiamque. The troops wintered here and suffered 
greatly from the cold and snow. 



396 DE SOTO's MARCH BEYOND THE MISSISSIPPI. [BOOK 11. 

" The Christian," says Biedma, '' whom we had found 
with the Indians that Narvaez had visited, and who had 
served us as interpreter, died in this place." 

Setting out from this village in March 1542, they 
descended the river and arrived in a province called 
Anicoyanque, which appeared one of the best they 
had seen. Then they went to the village of Guacho- 
yanque, or Guachoya, on the bank of the great river ; 
it was surrounded by walls and fortified. The gover- 
nor sent a captain to the south to seek a way to the 
sea ; he returned, saying that he could not pass the 
vast marshes which the great river formed. 

"This disheartening news," says Roberts,* "affected 
the general so deeply, as to throw him into a fever ; which 
did not, however, prevent him from sending to the cacique 
of Q,uigaltan, to require his submission, and the pleasure of 
seeing him, which, he acquainted this chief, was a homage 
hitherto paid him by all the caciques whose dominions he 
had yet passed through. To this message duigaltan re- 
plied, that it was not his custom to visit any, but that all 
his neighbours visited, served and paid him tribute, either 
willingly or by force; that if Soto had any thing to offer, 
he was welcome to come to him as a friend, but if he 
should chuse to act as an enemy, he waited for him in his 
town, whence he would never stir an inch, either for him 
or any one else. 

" Although Soto was suffering under the violent attack 
of a fever, when the Indian brought this answer, he still 
felt more, from a sense of his present inability, to chastise 
this haughty cacique, who not only despised his summons, 
but, as was reported, intended to attack the Spaniards. Ap- 

* Page 70 to 73. 



CHAP. XII.] DE sOTO's MARCH BEYOND THE MISSISSIPPI. 397 

prehending this circumstance to be no vague intelligence, 
the general redoubled his guards and kept a good watch. 
The horse patrolled nightly round the camp, and the cross- 
bow-men guarded the river in canoes, to prevent any sur- 
prise on that side. Soto, to render himself still more 
dreadful to the Indians, detached a party to Nilco, whither, 
as he was told by the natives of Guachoya, the inhabitants 
were returned ; the cacique of the latter also sent several 
canoes upon the same expedition, laden with armed In- 
dians, This party, which consisted both of horse and foot, 
advanced to the town with such rapidity as to surprise the 
inhabitants, in number about five thousand souls, before 
they could escape, who, pressing in crowds out of their 
houses, there was hardly one horseman that did not see 
himself surrounded by many Indians. As the Spanish 
commander had ordered his people to give no quarter to the 
men, a horrible carnage ensued, wherein more than a hun- 
dred of the Indians fell, besides numbers which were 
wounded, by the Spaniards, some of whom carried their 
cruelty so far as to murder the innocent women and chil- 
dren. The Indians of Guachoya halted peaceably at a dis- 
tance from the town, while this inhuman scene was trans- 
acting, to see the event ; but as soon as they perceived the 
Indians were broken, and the Spaniards chasing them, they 
ran to pillage the houses ; and having loaded their canoes 
with the booty, returned before the Spaniards to Guachoya, 
where they related all that had happened, with dread and 
astonishment to their cacique. 

"Meanwhile, the general perceiving his dissolution near, 
assembled the officers and the bulk of the soldiery, to 
whom he made a very moving address, acknowledging the 
great goodness of Providence, in granting him a full pos- 
session of his faculties to the last, thanking all the com- 
manders and soldiers for their faithful services, fidelity, and 
the affection that they had, upon every occasion, testified 



398 DEATH OF DE SOTO. 1^°°^ "• 

for his person, and recommending to them the choice of 
some leader, to command them in his stead, as the last re- 
quest he should ever make, and which would, in some 
measure, alleviate the uneasiness he felt at being obliged 
to leave them in a barbarous and unknown country. When 
he had spoken thus, all that were present broke into most 
pathetic demonstrations of sorrow, and earnestly requested 
himself to chuse a successor for them. This he readily 
complied with, and named Luis Moscoso d'Alvarado, who 
being universally approved of, they all swore fidelity to him 
immediately. 

"On the morrow, the 21st of May, the brave, the virtu- 
ous and magnanimous captain Don Ferdinand de Soto, go- 
vernor of Cuba and general of Florida, yielded up his soul 
to God. His death the Spaniards endeavoured to conceal 
from the Indians, who entertained so high an opinion of 
his abilities, that they looked upon him to be immortal ; 
and, lest a conviction to the contrary might encourage them 
to revolt, the body was buried by night, just within one of 
the town gates; but the Indians, who had conceived some 
suspicions of his death, were observed to eye the earth that 
had been newly removed there, with much curiosity ; for 
which reason, the Spaniards removed the body on the night 
following, and wrapping it up with a great deal of sand, 
carried it into the middle of the river, and buried it there. 

" During these events, the cacique of Guachoya fre- 
quently enquired concerning Soto, whom he called his lord 
and brother ; and Moscoso having assured him that he was 
only gone a journey to heaven, which he often had done, 
and that, intending to make some stay, he had appointed 
himself to act in his room, the cacique no longer doubted 
of his death, but sent two handsome young Indians, who 
he desired might be slain, to accompany him during his 
journey, according to the custom of this country. Moscoso 
desired the cacique to send for the young men again, for 



CHAP. XII.] JOURNEY OF DE SOTO's MEN. 399 

the governor was not dead, but gone to heaven, and had 
chosen from among his own people some to attend him, 
and besought the cacique to forego so cruel a custom. He 
then delivered up the Indians, charging them to return, 
which one of them refused to do, declaring he would ne- 
ver leave Moscoso, who had saved his life, but live and die 
with him." 

The route now taken was to the west, in the hope 
of reaching Mexico by land. The army quitted Gua- 
choya on the 5th of June, and after marching seven- 
teen days, arrived in the province of Chavite or Cha- 
guate, where the Indians manufactured much salt. 
The Spaniards remained here six days, and then 
passed to the province of Aguacay, which, after a 
march of three days north, they reached. on the 4th 
of July. The Indians telling them that on the coast 
where they wished to go, there was only a great ex- 
tent of sand, without any village or any kind of food, 
the Spaniards turned from the coast and came to a 
province named Nisione, then into those of Nanda- 
caho and Lacame ; but the country became more 
and more sterile ; the cacique of Nandacaho had 
given them a guide, who told them that his master had 
ordered him to carry them in a place where they would 
die of hunger. Then they took another guide, who 
conducted them in the province of Hais, where they 
killed some cows, and were attacked by the natives 
for it. This province was quit for that of Xacatin. 
Such is the account of Biedma, who adds : 

" We took the direction of the south, well determined to 
die or gain New Spain. We marched then six days in the 
route of south southeast, after which we halted. We sent 



400 JOURNEY OF DE SOTO's MEN. [book ii. 

a detachment of six cavaliers, with orders to advance for 
eight or nine days as far as they could, and see if they 
could discover any village where they could get a supply of 
maize." 

On their return, says Biedma, it was decided to go 
back to the village where the governor Soto had died, 
thinking that there some facilities would be found for 
building ships, with which they could get out of the 
country. In Roberts, many other particulars are re- 
lated. After mentioning the arrival at Aguacay on 
the 4th of July, he says : * 

" The Spaniards left Aguacay on the same day, and four 
days after, were in the province of Maye, and encamped on 
the 20th in a very pleasant wood, between that place and 
Naguata. Soon after their arrival here, some Indian spies 
were observed hovering about the camp ; two of them 
were taken, and the rest slain. By this accident, the Spa- 
niards got intelligence that the cacique of Naguata, in 
league with other chiefs, intended to attack the Spaniards 
that day ; and, indeed, while these Indians were under ex- 
amination, the enemy appeared in two bodies, and perceiv- 
ing themselves to be discovered, charged the Spaniards 
most furiously ; but the latter, sustaining the shock vigo- 
rously, they fled with precipitation, and were pursued by 
the cavalry. While these things were in agitation, a great 
cry was heard at a small distance from the camp, towards 
which Moscoso detached twelve horsemen, to know the 
cause, who found there six Spaniards surrounded by a great 
number of Indians, to which superiority, without assistance, 
the former must have fallen a sacrifice, though they fought 
like lions. However, this reinforcement turned the scale 
so much, that the greater part of the Indians were slain, 

* Page 74 to 79. 



CHAP. XII.] JOURNEY OF DE SOTO's MEN, 401 

and one of them taken, whom Moscoso, after cutting off 
his right arm and nose, sent, in that condition, to the ca- 
cique of Naguata, to give him notice, that on the morrow 
he would enter his country and lay it waste with fire and 
sword ; and that, if the cacique should be desirous of pre- 
venting it, he must meet him at his entrance. The army 
marched next day towards the township of Naguata, the 
houses of which were separated from each other. The re- 
sidence of the cacique was on the opposite side of a river, 
where the Indians stood ready to oppose the Spaniards in 
passing over; which, however, the latter accomplished, in 
spite of all obstacles, and entered into a country well fur- 
nished with provisions and all the necessaries of life. Mos- 
coso had not been here long, before the cacique of Na- 
guata sent a party of Indians to observe the behaviour of 
the general and his people, and to acquaint the former that 
he intended to visit him, which he did presently afterwards, 
attended by a large body of the natives, all in tears, ac- 
cording to the fashion of Tulla, which is not far distant. 
He made a profound reverence to the general, and de- 
manded pardon for his offence, throwing all the blame upon 
the bad counsels of one of his brothers, who fell in the 
battle. He enlarged much in the praise of Moscoso and 
the Spaniards, whom he professed to regard as a people 
something more than human, and concluded with offers of 
service and obedience. When he had finished, the general 
received him into his favour, and promised to consider him 
as his friend, provided his behaviour should correspond with 
his words. 

" The army soon after decamped, but was obliged to 
turn back, upon account of the swelling of the river, 
which appeared the more extraordinary, because no rain 
had fallen; but, as it frequently happened, and always at 
the increase of the moon, it should seem to be owing to 
the tide, though the Indians had no knowledge of any sea ; 
51 



402 JOURNEY OF DE SOTO's MEN. [book ii. 

nevertheless, they found means to pass it eight days after, 
and in three days arrived at a village belonging to the ca- 
cique of Missobone, a barren and an ill-peopled province ; 
thence they wandered through a wild district, called La- 
cane, and soon after arrived at the province of Mondacao, 
the cacique of which presented the general with a quan- 
tity of fish. He was received very kindly, and as soon as 
the army had provided themselves with subsistence, they 
received a guide and marched towards Soacatino. In jour- 
neying thither, they passed through the province of Aays, 
the fierce inhabitants of which harassed the Spaniards con- 
tinually, during their march to Guasco, where they arrived, 
after having suffered incredible hardships and fatigues ; and 
finding maize sufficient for their use here, they loaded their 
horses and marched to Nagiscosa. 

" In fine, having travelled long to no purpose, through 
miserable deserts, frequently bewildered and quite at a loss 
which way to proceed, perpetually engaged in perils and 
alarms, and uncertain still whether famine would not be 
their destruction at last, the general called a council, 
wherein it was determined to return to Nilco, and there 
build vessels to carry the troops down the river, and so to 
some of the Spanish settlements by sea. This resolution 
was far from giving content to all ; many there were among 
the Spaniards that would rather have taken the highest 
probability of perishing in Florida, through want, than 
have returned thence poor and disappointed ; nevertheless, 
these not having number or force to oppose, were obliged 
to submit to the general determination. 

" The troops had already marched one hundred and fifty 
leagues to the west of the great river, and now they re- 
pented of having laid waste the country through which 
they were to return ; but the inconveniency was less than 
the expectation of it, for they found the town of Naguata, 
which had been burnt, now rebuilt by the Indians, and the 



CHAP. XU.j JOUKNEV OF DE SOTo's MEN. 4<J3 

houses well stored with maize, the country being both fer- 
tile and well peopled. They make here earthen dishes, 
not much unlike those of Estremos and Montemor. The 
Spaniards left Naguata, and came to Chaguete, and at 
length arrived at Nilco ; but found so little maize there, 
that they were entirely thrown into a dejection, nearly bor- 
dering upon despair, seeing no means of subsisting during 
the time requisite for building the vessels to carry them 
out of Florida ; not owing to sterility of soil, but to the 
neglect of the Indians, who had been too much frightened 
to employ themselves in tillage while the troops resided at 
Guachoya: for the province is extremely fertile, which 
made the Spaniards confident of finding subsistence here. 
The soldiers now began to curse the resolution, to push on 
their discoveries no farther westward, and to look upon the 
design of putting to sea, as absurd and chimerical to the 
last degree, they being totally unprovided with every ne- 
cessary preparation for shipping. The unfortunate Narvaez 
was frequently recalled to their minds, who was lost upon 
this coast ; but the heaviest of all their misfortunes was 
the want of food, without which, it was impossible for the 
men to labour. 

" They had now no resource left but to recommend 
themselves to Divine Providence in prayer, for his imme- 
diate assistance, and He heard them, sending the Indians of 
Nilco, with great submission, to inform them that there 
were, at the distance of two days journey from them, upon 
the banks of the great river, towns of which the Spaniards 
had no knowledge. The country was called Minoya, and 
very fertile, Moscoso, upon tbis, dispatched a captain with 
a party of horse and foot, attended by the Indians of Nilco, 
who were at war with the people of these towns, one of 
which they instantly seized, and entrenched themselves in 
it, having found a great quantity of maize there. Great 
was the joy in the camp at hearing these tidings, and all 
the troops set forward immediately, though the weather 



404 JOURNEY OF DE SOTO's MEN. [BOOK II. 

was very bad, being rainy, attended with a cold north wind, 
and the ways very full of water ; yet they surmounted all 
difficulties, and lodged themselves in the best of the towns, 
at a quarter of a league from the great river. Hither they 
brought all the maize from the other towns, amounting to 
six thousand bushels. The place also afforded wood, bet- 
ter for the building of vessels than any thing they had yet 
seen in F^'lorida. 

" The general now set every person that could be useful, 
to work. He collected all the iron that could be gotten, 
even the chains from the prisoners, and wood was immedi- 
ately felled for timber. Providentially there was found 
among their number some one artificer qualified to serve for 
every use. In fine, after great fatigue and perseverance, 
seven brigantines were finished in the month of June, but 
a difficulty, very hard to be overcome, yet remained, and 
that was, to set them afloat : for the Indians had declared, 
that the great river rose only once a year, at the time when 
the snows were melting ; which had already happened, and 
no rain had fallen for a long space. However, it pleased 
God that the river swelled suddenly, upon the increase of 
the moon, and came, as it were, to fetch the brigantines 
away; so that they were floated into the bed of the river 
with great ease. A thing which, but for this event, would 
have been effected, not without great labour and the hazard 
of straining them, and opening their seams in hauling them 
down to the water. And thus, on the second day of July, 
in the year 1543, the Spaniards were all embarked, and 
departed from Minoya. Moscoso appointed a captain to 
each brigantine, and made tbem swear to obey him in the 
same manner as they did when ashore. This being done, 
they proceeded to Guachoya. Leaving this place, they 
found the current very strong, and advanced at a great rate 
by the help of their oars, till they came to Quigaltam. 
Moscoso sent, from time to time, parties ashore, and found 
great quantities of maize in the houses, which were after- 



CHAP. XII.] JOURNEY OF DE SOTO's MEN. 405 

wards embarked on board of the vessels. While they were 
passing through this province, frequent attacks were made 
upon them by the Indians, in one of which the Spaniards 
lost about twenty-five men, with their commander, John 
Gasman, who was detached with this party in canoes, to 
attack the enemy ; by whose canoes, much larger and more 
numerous than his, he was soon surrounded, when the In- 
dians, throwing themselves in multitudes into the water, 
and laying hold upon the Spaniards' canoes, overturned 
them all in an instant. These brave men all perished, be- 
ing carried to the bottom by the weight of their armour. 

" This success so encouraged the Indians, that they 
omitted no opportunity of annoying the vessels during the 
whole time of their falling down the river, sometimes ma- 
king a shew, as if they intended to board them, and con- 
stantly kept up a continual discharge of their arrows from 
the banks of the river. The Spaniards lost a considerable 
number of men upon this occasion. They at last lined the 
gunnels and quarter-decks with a breast-work made of dou- 
ble mats, so thick as to prevent the arrows from pene- 
trating. 

" When they had arrived at about half a league's dis- 
tance from the mouth of the river, the general landed his 
men, in order to refresh them, as they had been greatly fa- 
tigued by rowing. Here they staid two days only, as the 
Indians still continued to alarm them. The ISth of July 
they put to sea, with a favourable wind, and after a passage 
of fifty-two days, arrived at the mouth of the river Panuco, 
on the continent of Mexico, on the 10th of September 
1543, having undergone various fatigues, dangers and diffi- 
culties, as well by sea as by land, and lost above one-half 
of their number in this unfortunate expedition." 

Biedma returned soon after to Spain, for it is stated 
that in 1544 he presented his relation to the king 
and his council of the Indias. 



406 VOYAGE TO CANADA IN 1540. [book II. 



CHAPTER XIII. 

Of the voyage of Jacques Carthier to Canada in 1540. 

Francis the First saw and talked with Donnacona, 
and the other people brought by Carthier from Ca- 
nada, ten in number ; they were baptized and were 
some time in France, but never returned to their na- 
tive country ; all save one little girl, about ten years 
old, died in Bretaigne before Carthier's third voyage. 

He sailed from St. Malo with five ships the 23d of 
May 1540, but owing to stormy weather had a tedious 
voyage, and did not reach the haven of Santa Croix 
until the 23d of August. He was visited immediately 
by the people, among whom was Agona, appointed 
king by Donnacona when he went to France. The 
death of Donnacona was at once communicated, but 
the truth was concealed as to the rest. Of them, it 
was said that they staid in France as great lords, and 
were married, and would not return to their country. 

Carthier went up to a river and haven about four 
leagues higher, which he thought better for his ships 
to ride in, and there he kept three of them : the other 
two departed on the 2d of September for St. Malo, 
with letters to the king to give information of Car- 
thier's proceedings, and communicate the fact that 
Sir John Francis de la Roche, Lord of Roberval, who 
was appointed the king's lieutenant and governor, 
had not yet arrived. Carthier, after his fort was 



CHAP. XIII.] VOYAGE TO CANADA IN 1540. 407 

begun at the place which he had selected, called 
Charlesbourg Royal, went up the river to see the Lord 
of Hochelai, who in the former voyage gave him a 
little girl, and had been in other things friendly. In 
return, Carthier gave him two young boys, and left 
them with him to learn his language, " and bestowed 
upon him a cloak of Paris red, which cloak was set 
with yellow and white buttons of tin and small bells," 
and also made him some other presents. Carthier 
afterwards visited the Saults, which form what is now 
called the Sault St. Louis, between Montreal and 
Lachine, and then returned to Charlesbourg Royal. 
On his way back, he called at the dwelling of the 
Lord of Hochelai, but he was absent. There being 
some reason to apprehend hostilities from the natives, 
Carthier caused all things in the fortress to be set in 
good order. At this point, the relation of Carthier's 
third voyage abruptly breaks off; and nothing is 
known of his proceedings for a considerable time. 
He arrived in the harbour of Saint John in June 
1542, and thence departed home for Bretaigne.* 

*Hakluyt's Collection, vol. 3, p. 232 to 240. Hawkins's auebec, p. 55 to 64. Mr. Haw- 
kins says that Charlesbourg Royal is Cap Rouge, and that Hochelai is Richelieu. 



408 VOYAGE TO CANADA IN 1542. [book li. 



CHAPTER XIV. 

Of the voyage of Sir John Francis de la Roche, Lord of Roberval, to 
Canada in 1542. 

Carthier had, in his third voyage, only the appoint- 
ment of captain general and leader of the ships, and 
may have been embarrassed in his proceedings by the 
absence of the knight, who was the king's lieutenant 
and governor. This person did not sail from Ro- 
chelle till the 16th of April 1542 : on the 8th of June 
he entered the road of Saint John, where he found 
seventeen ships of fishers. In the account of his 
voyage, there is the following statement : 

" While we made somewhat long abode here, Jacques 
Carthier and his company returning from Canada, whither 
he was sent with five sail the year before, arrived in the 
very same harbour. Who, after he had done his duty to our 
general, told him that he had brought certain diamonds, and 
a quantity of gold ore, which was found in the country. 
Which ore, the Sunday next ensuing, was tried in a fur- 
nace and found to be good. 

" Furthermore, he informed the general that he could 
not, with his small company, withstand the savages, which 
went about daily to annoy him, and that this was the cause 
of his return into France. Nevertheless, he and his com- 
pany commended the country to be very rich and fruitful. 
But when our general, being furnished with sufficient 
forces, commanded him to go back again with him, he and 
his company, moved as it seemed with ambition, because 



CHAP. SIV.J VOYAGE TO CANADA IN 1543. 409 

they would have all the glory of the discovery of those 
parts themselves, stole privily away the next night from us, 
and without taking their leave, departed home for Bre- 
taigne." 

The lofty promontory of Quebec has since re- 
ceived the name of Cape Diamond, because of its 
striking productions. What Carthier obtained in Ca- 
nada, was of little avail. He sacrificed his fortune in 
the cause of discovery, and died soon after his return 
to France. 

The Lord of Roberval left the harbour of Saint 
John the last of June. Of his course from Belle Isle, 
Carpont and the Grand Bay, up the river for two 
hundred and thirty leagues, there is a full account by 
his chief pilot, John Alphonso of Xanctoigne. Pro- 
ceeding four leagues westward of the Isle of Orleans, 
he there built a fort, which he called the Fort of 
France-Roy. It was, the pilot states, in forty-seven 
degrees and one sixth part of a degree. Mr. Haw- 
kins thinks it was the same place that Jacques Car- 
thier chose the year before. Of RobervaPs proceed- 
ings, while in Canada, but little is known. We see 
that on the 5th of June 1543, he departed on an ex- 
pedition to Saguenay, but there are no particulars of 
it, except that one of the barks was lost and eight 
men drowned. 

"Roberval returned to France in 1543; and animated 
by the duty which he owed to the king, on the war again 
breaking out between the Emperor Charles V. and Fran- 
cis I. his active disposition led him back to the profession 
of arms. He distinguished himself in this war, as he had 
done on many previous occasions. 
52 



410 VOYAGE TO CANADA IN 1542. [book II. 

" After the death of his royal patron, in 1547, having 
got together a band of enterprising men, he embarked again 
for Canada in 1549, with his brother Achille, who was re- 
puted one of the bravest warriors in France, and who was 
honourably named by Francis I., Le Gendarme d'Annibal. 
In this voyage, all these gallant men perished, or were ne- 
ver afterwards heard of."* 



*This chapter is from Hakluyt, vol. 3, p. 237 to 242, and from Hawkins's Quebec, p. 64 
to 70. 



CHAP. XV.] VOYAGE TO FLORIDA IN 1549. 411 



CHAPTER XV. 

Of the voyage of Gregorio de Beteta ou the Florida coast in 1549 ; aud 
of Sebastian Cabot from his return to England in 1548, until his 
death in 1557. 

Gregorio de Beteta must have been to Florida be- 
fore the voyage related in the Collection of pieces 
on Florida, published by H. Ternaux-Compans, at 
Paris in 1841. Of the voyage so related, his state- 
ment is, that when they came in sight of land, in 
about twenty-eight degrees, not seeing there any ap- 
pearance of the port they were seeking, they went to 
twenty-eight degrees and a half or twenty-nine de- 
grees. After mentioning that the boat went ashore, 
and what happened, he says, 

" We employed eight days to arrive at the entrance of 
the bay, and eight other days were taken to enter it ; it 
was from six to seven leagues wide : we entered it for wa- 
ter, and we had much trouble to find it. The day of the 
Fete-dieu we went on land." 

Indians were seen who could repeat some words in 
Spanish, which they had learnt from the Spaniards 
who had before been to this country. 

" We commenced," says Gregorio, " by making them 
understand by signs that we desired that they should re- 
store the friar, the christians and the interpreter." 



412 VOYAGE TO FLORIDA IN 1549. [BOOK li. 

In the absence of those who went on land there 
came aboard a man named Juan Munoz ; he was in 
the expedition of Soto, and described his chief. This 
man said, 

" The Indians who had received the friar and his com- 
panions had killed them the instant that I quitted theni; 
but they preserved the mariner's life. I asked him how 
he had knowledge of it. He replied to me, I have often 
heard it repeated by the Indians who have killed them."' 

On this second visit of Beteta he had with him 
four friars. When they landed the Indians made 
signs to them to return to the boat. One of them, 
more resolute on staying here than the rest, went 
ashore a second time and was massacred. It was 
wished to go to another place but the ship was not 
proper for navigating the coast, being unable to ap- 
proach the land nearer than five or six leagues. On 
the 28th of June 1549, they quit the port of Vendredi 
Saint ; it was decided at first to go to Havana, but 
afterwards they directed themselves towards New 
Spain ; on Sunday the 14th of July, they found them- 
selves at Yucatan in twenty degrees; on the 19th 
they arrived at San Juan de Lua. 

From 1549 to 1557 but little appears to have been 
done towards settling the Atlantic coast of North 
America. It was otherwise in Mexico and the pro- 
vinces of South America. The titles of books then 
put forth are not a little curious. 

Hans Staden of Hombourg, in Hesse, who arrived 
the 28th of January 1548, in view of the cape of 
St. Augustin and entered the port of Pernambouc, 



CHAP. XV.] SEBASTIAN CABOT FROM 1548 TO 1557. 413 

published at Marbourg in 1557 a volume with this 
title, 

" Veritable histoire et description d'uii pays habite par 
des hommes saiivages, nus, feroces et anthropophages, sitae 
dans le nouveau monde, nomme Amerique, inconnu dans le 
pays de Hesse avant et depuis la naissance de Jesus-Ohrist, 
jusqu'a I'annee derniere que Hans Staden de Homberg-, en 
Hesse, I'a connu par sa propre experience et le fait connaitre 
actuellement par le moyen de I'impression." 

This veritable history and description is again given 
to the world by Mr. Henri Ternaux along with the 
other voyages, relations and memoirs published by 
him at Paris in 1837. 

Edward the Sixth ascended the throne the 28th of 
January 154i; Sebastian Cabot returned to England 
soon afterwards.* On the 6th of January, in the se- 
cond year of Edward's reign, (154f,) letters patent 
were issued, whereby, in consideration of the service 
done and to be done by Cabot, and by the advice of 
the king's uncle Edward, Duke of Somerset, protec- 
tor of his kingdom, and of the rest of his council, 
there was granted to Cabot, from the preceding feast 
of St. Michael, the archangel, (29th of September,) 
an annuity of £165. 13. 4. during his life.f It is 
said that Cabot built a house at Blackwall ; that his 
place was called Poplar ; and that it retains the name. J 

He became governor of the company of mer- 
chants, adventurers for the discovery of places un- 
known. In 1553, when the company sent out a fleet, 
Cabot prepared instructions for the voyage, which 

* Biddle's Memoir, p. 17-2. f 3 Hakluyt, p. 10, 11. J Hawkins's Quebec, p. 23. 



414 SEBASTIAN CABOT FROM 1548 TO 1557. [book II. 

may be seen in the first volume of Hakluyt, page 226 
to 230 : they have been commended as giving strong 
proof of his sagacity. Sir Hugh Willoughby, the 
captain general of the fleet, and such of his men as 
were in two of the ships, perished from cold in Lap- 
land, in or after January 155|.* The other ship was 
in charge of the pilot general, (Richard Chancellor,) 
who has given an account of his travels in Russia, 
Muscovy and the adjoining countries ; it is in 1 Hak- 
luyt, page 237 to 255, and in Purchas's Pilgrims, vol. 
3, book 2, ch. 1, page 211. 

Stephen Burroughs, who was dispatched to the 
north upon another enterprise in 1556, mentions an 
entertainment at Gravesend, just before the departure 
of his ship, and tells the following anecdote of Ca- 
bot.f 

" The 27th of April, being Monday, the right worshipful 
Sebastian Caboto came aboard our pinnace at Gravesend, 
accompanied with divers gentlemen and gentlewomen, 
who, after they had viewed our pinnace and tasted of such 
cheer as we could make them, aboard, they went on shore, 
giving to our mariners right liberal rewards : and the good 
old gentleman master Caboto gave to the poor most liberal 
alms, wishing them to pray for the good fortune and pros- 
perous success of the Serch-thrift, our pinnace. And then 
at the sign of the Christopher, he and his friends banqueted, 
and made me and them that were in the company great 
cheer : and for very joy, that he had to see the forward- 
ness of our intended discovery, he entered into the dance 
himself, amongst the rest of the young and lusty company : 
which being ended, he and his friends departed most gent- 
ly, commending us to the governance of Almighty God.'" 

* 1 Hakluyt, p. 237. 1 1 Hakluyt, p. 274, 5. Biddle's Memoir, p. 213, 14. 



CHAP. XV.] PORTRAIT OF CABOT. 415 

When Cabot was thus dancing with the rest of the 
young people, it is to be remembered, he was nearly 
four score years. He died the next year (1557) in 
London, at the advanced age of eighty, leaving a 
high character both as a navigator and a man of ge- 
neral ability. He was attended in his last moments 
by his friend Richard Eden,* and from Eden's pre- 
sence, it is inferred London was the place of his 
death. " He gave," Mr. Biddle remarks, " a conti- 
nent to England, yet no one can point to the few feet 
of earth she has allowed him in return." In Boston 
and Philadelphia, there are respectable families with 
the name and arms of Cabot, who are supposed to be 
his descendants.! 

Purchas (vol. 4, p. 1812,) refers to a picture of Se- 
bastian Cabot in the privy gallery at Whitehall, with 
this inscription : 

" Effigies Seb. Caboti Angli, filii Johannis Caboti Veneti 
Mililis Aurati, &c. ; he was born at "Venice, and serving 
Henry VII., Henry VIII., Edward VI., was accounted En- 
glish — Galpano saith he was born at Bristol." 

"This picture," Mr. Biddle says,! "now belongs to the 
representatives of the late Charles Joseph Plarford, Esq. of 
Bristol. The inscription which Purchas curtails by an 
'&c.' is this : 

"' * Effigies Seb. Caboti Angli, filii Johannis Caboti Veneti 
Militis Aurati, Primi Inventoris Terrm Nova, sub Henrico 
VII. Anglim Rege.^ 

" The manner in which the portrait came to the know- 
ledge of Mr. Harford, and finally into his possession, is very 
minutely stated in a memoir prepared by him and left with 

*Biddle's Memoir, p. 219. f Hawkins's Quebec, p. 23. J Biddle's Memoir, p. 317 



416 PORTRAIT OF CABOT. [book ii. 

his family. Without needlessly introducing names, it may 
suffice to state that whilst travelling in Scotland, in 1792, 
he saw it for the first time at the seat of a nobleman ; and, 
many years afterwards, his friend the late Sir Frederick 
Eden was enabled to gratify his anxious wishes by procu- 
ring it for him. 

" The work of Purchas was published in 1625, at the 
close of the reign of James I. That the picture was not 
in the gallery in the time of Charles II., would appear from 
the following circumstances: 

" There is a tract by Evelyn, the celebrated author of 
Sylva, &c. entitled " Navigation and commerce, their ori- 
ginal and progress, containing a succinct account of traffic 
in general, its benefits and improvements ; of discoveries, 
wars and conflicts at sea, from the original of navigation to 
this day ; with special regard to the English nation ; their 
several voyages and expeditions to the beginning of our late 
differences with Holland ; in which his majesty's title to 
the dominion of the sea is asserted against the novel and 
later pretenders, by J. Evelyn, Esq. S.R.S. London, 1674.' 
It is dedicated to Charles II. to whom the author expresses 
his gratitude for an appointment to the council of com- 
merce and plantations. The object of it, as may be infer- 
red from the title, is to shew the early and diffusive influ- 
ence of England at sea. Referring to the triumphant con- 
flicts with France in the time of Henry VIII., he says, (p. 
73,) 'see also that rare piece of Holbein's in his majesty's 
gallery at Whitehall.' He adverts (p. 57) to Sebastian Ca- 
bot, ' born with us at Bristol,' and hazards a conjecture as 
to his having, with his father, ' discovered Florida and the 
shores of Virginia, with that whole tract as far as New- 
foundland, before the bold Genoese.' Had the portrait in 
question been in the gallery at Whitehall in Evelyn's time, 
"he would not have omitted to notice the remarkable asser- 
tion which its inscription conveys. 



CHAP. XV.] PORTRAIT OF CABOT. 417 

" The disappearance of the picture, therefore, from White- 
hall, and its getting into private hands, may be referred to 
the intermediate period. It was, probably, bought at the 
sales which took place after the death of Charles I., and of 
which the following account is found in Walpole's Anec- 
dotes of Painting in England : 

" ' Immediately after the death of the King, several votes were passed 
for sale of his goods, pictures, statues, &c. 

" ' Feb. 20, 1648. It was referred to the committee of the navy to 
raise money by sale of the crown jewels, hangings and other goods of 
the late king. 

" ' In the ensuing month the house proceeded to vote, that the perso- 
nal estate of the late king, queen and prince, should be inventoried, ap- 
praised and sold. This vote, in which they seem to have acted ho- 
nestly, not allowing their own members to be concerned in the sale, 
was the cause that the collections fell into a variety of low hands, and 
were dispersed among the painters and officers of the late king's house- 
hold ; where many of them remained on sale with low prices affixed. 

" 'All other furnitiu-e from all the king's palaces was brought up and 
exposed to sale ; there are specified, particularly, Denmai'k or Somer- 
set-house, Greenwich, Whitehall, Nonsuch, Oatlands, Windsor, Wim- 
bleton-house, St. James's, Hampton-court, Richmond, Theobalds, Lud- 
low, Carisbrook and Kenilworth castles; Bewdley-house, Holdenby- 
house, Royston, Newmarket and Woodstock manorhouse. One may 
easily imagine that such a collection of pictures, with the remains of 
jewels and plate, and the furniture of nineteen palaces, ought to have 
amounted to a far greater sum than one hundred and eighteen thousand 
pounds. 

" ' The sale continued to August 9, 1653. The prices were fixed, but 
if more was offered, the highest bidder purchased; this happened in 
some instances, not in many. Part of the goods were sold by inch of 
candle. The buyers, called contractors, signed a writing for the seve- 
ral sums. If they disliked the bargain, they were at liberty to be dis- 
charged from the agreement on paying one fourth of the sum stipula- 
ted. Among the purchasers of statues and pictui-es, were several pain- 
ters, as Decritz, Wright, Baptist Van Leemput, Sir Balthazar Gerbier, 
&c. The Cartoons of Raphael were bought by his highness (Crom- 
well) for £ 300.' " 

53 



418 PORTBAIT OF CABOT. [book ii. 

" The circumstances which refer this portrait to Holbein 
seem to be conclusive. Cabot is represented as in extreme 
age. Now he had not been in England from 1517 until 
his return in 1548. The portrait, therefore, must have 
been taken after the last mentioned date. Holbein enjoyed 
the continued patronage of Henry YHI. after Sir Thomas 
More had introduced his works to the king's notice in the 
manner so familiarly known. He lived through the reign 
of Edward VI. and died at Whitehall, of the plague, in 
1554. It is not probable, under such circumstances, that a 
portrait of Cabot, destined for the king's gallery, would 
have been taken by any other hand. 

" Such seems to be the curious history of a picture in it- 
self so interesting. Painted for Edward VI. in compliment 
to this great seaman and national benefactor, and the pro- 
perty, in succession, of two queens and two kings of Eng- 
land, its retirement to private life may probably be dated 
from a sale at which Oliver Cromwell was a bidder. 

" Cabot was evidently, as has been said, at a very ad- 
vanced age when the portrait was taken. His stature, 
though somewhat lost in a slight stoop, must have been 
commanding. Holbein would seem to have wished to 
catch the habitual, unpremeditated expression which he 
had doubtless, from engagements about the Court, had fre- 
quent opportunities of remarking. It is that of profound, 
and even painful thought ; and in the deeply marked lines, 
and dark hazel eye, there yet linger tokens of the force 
and ardour of character of this extraordinary man. The 
right hand exhibits an admirable specimen of the painter's 
minute, elaborate finish. Of the compasses which it holds 
one foot is placed on a great globe resting on a table, on 
which are an hour-glass and writing materials. The richf 
robe and massy gold chain, are probably badges of his of- 
fice as governor of the society of merchant adventurers. 
It is impossible not to gaze with deep interest on this me- 



CHAP. XV.] 



PORTRAIT OF CABOT. 



419 



morial, heightened, perhaps, by a reflection on its present 
humble position — emblematic, indeed, of the slight on the 
closing years of the great original."* 



*A catalogue of the pictures, &c. be- 
longing to Charles I., drawn up in his life- 
time, and apparently for his use, is found 
amongst the Harleian MSS. No. 4718. 
Amongst those enumerated as then in the 
privy gallery at Whitehall, that of Cabot 
is not mentioned. This might lead to the 
inference that it had got into private hands 
sooner than is above suggested, particular- 
ly as it appears by the catalogue that some 
of the pictures had been recently obtained 
in the wa}' of exchange. Again, it may 
have been sent or taken away by the king. 
In the MS. work of Richard Symonds, 
(Harleian MSS. No. 991,) it is said, " The 
committee at Somerset-house, valued the 
king's pictures and other movable goods at 
£200,000., notwithstanding that both himself 
and the queen had carried away abundance.'" 
The painting in question is not specially 



mentioned in a list of the sales during the 
protectorate, found in the Harleian MSS. 
No. 7359, though this is by no means deci- 
sive, as several of the entries are mere 
charges against individuals for "a pic- 
ture," " two pictures," " three pictures," 
&c. (fol. 222, et seq.) Cabot's portrait has 
recently been seen, in London, by the most 
eminent artists, and instajitly recognized 
as a Holbein. However we may balance 
between probabilities as to its intermedi- 
ate history, a doubt as to its identity with 
the picture referred to by Purchas, seems 
to involve not only the necessity of ac- 
counting for the disappearance of the lat- 
ter, but also the extravagant supposition 
that two portraits of Cabot, bearing the 
same remarkable inscription, were execu- 
ted by the great artist of his day. 



420 EXAMINATION OF FLORIDA COAST; 1558. [^0°^ H. 



CHAPTER XVI. 

Of an examination of the coast of Florida iu 1558, wherein was seen 
a bay, described as " the largest and most commodious bay of all on 
these shores," which was named then Philipina, and afterwards Santa 
Maria Philipina; also of an expedition in 1559 to the port of Y'chuse 
in thirty degrees twenty minutes, about twenty leagues south of the 
bay of Santa Maria ; and of a reconnoissance in 1561 to about thirty- 
five degrees. 

Don Louis de Velasco, viceroy of Mexico, sent 
Guido de las Bazares with some marines and other 
persons to reconnoitre the coasts of Florida, for the 
greater safety of the persons who were going there 
to colonize the country and the point of St. Helena. 
He set out from the port of Saint Juan de Lua, the 
3d of September 1558, with sixty soldiers and ma- 
rines in a large bark, a galley and a shallop. He ar- 
rived at the river of Panuco on the 5th, set out from 
it on the 14th, and went to land on this coast in 
twenty-seven degrees and a half. Going along the 
coast, he discovered a bay at twenty-eight degrees 
and a half of latitude, which he named San Fran- 
cisco. Setting out from this place he went to recon- 
noitre the Alacranes, to direct himself thence towards 
Florida. Contrary winds having prevented him from 
approaching where he wished, he landed at twenty- 
nine degrees and a half upon the coast of east south- 
east, where he found an isle, four leagues from Terra 
Firma ; he passed within that isle, Terra Firma and 



CHAP. XVI.] EXAMINATION OF FLORIDA COAST j 1559. 421 

Other isles of the continent, and gave to this place 
the name of the bay of Bas-Fonds. Thence he made 
ten leagues to the east ; he saw a bay which he 
named Philipina ; it is described as the largest and 
most commodious bay of all on these shores ; pene- 
trated, passing by the point of an isle seven leagues 
long; and distant from the port of Saint Juan de 
Lua about two hundred and seventy leagues.* After 
having quitted it, he tried twice to reconnoitre the 
coast, extending more to the east; he followed it 
more than twenty leagues. Quitting the coast of 
Florida on the 3d of December, he entered the port 
of San Juan de Lua the 14th. 

On the 24th of September 1559, Velasco wrote to 
the king a letter upon his affairs in Florida, in which 
he mentions that a fleet fitted out for the colonization 
of Florida, from the point of Saint Helena, sailed on 
the 11th of June of that year from San Juan de Ulua, 
and that on the 9th of September, there arrived a gal- 
lion dispatched by the governor Don Tristan d'Arel- 
lano ; that it had made in fourteen days the passage 
from the place whence the disembarkation was effec- 
ted ; and that it brought the following information of 
the progress of the fleet. At the end of seventeen 
days, it found itself on the shores of the river of Saint 
Esprit, about twenty leagues from this river and in 
twenty-seven degrees and a quarter of latitude. From 
this place they made six leagues to the southeast, to 
the south southwest, and to the south, until they made 
to the height of the Alacranes, at twenty-seven de- 

* The account of Bazares is that " I'entree est a 29 degres et demi de latitude sud ;" 
those who saw it in the succeeding year (it will be seen) place it in rather a higher lati- 
tude. 



432 DISCOVERY OF BAY OF SANTA MARIA. [book ii. 

gre6s to the southwest of these last. From this point 
they ran another course to the northeast to reconnoi- 
tre the coast. Eight days after, they perceived the 
coast at eight leagues from the bay of Mervelo in the 
direction of the west, about twenty-nine degrees and 
a half On the 1 7th of July the fleet sailed for the 
port of d'Ychuse. This is described as twenty leagues 
from the bay Philipina, and about thirty leagues from 
the bay of Mervelo ; as between these bays, and in 
about thirty degrees twenty minutes. The pilot on 
board a frigate which went on before, not perceiving 
this port, the frigate passed beyond and cast anchor 
in the bay Philipina discovered by Guido de las Ba- 
zares. The horses were disembarked in this bay, and 
some companies of infantry repaired with them by 
land to d'Ychuse. The army quitted the bay of Phih- 
pina for the port of d'Ychuse, the day of Notre-Dame 
d'Aout, which caused to be given to it the name of 
Santa Maria Philipina. 

Notwithstanding what was said by Bazares of the 
port of Philipina, the governor, we are told, knew 
that the port d'Ychuse " was the best and the most 
sure on all this coast." Yet, in the dispatch, we find 
afterwards this language : 

"Guide arrived in this bay Philipina. The fleet ran 
some danger in entering it, because of the small depth at 
the bar, which hinders the entrance of large vessels, the 
strong current that is there, and the bad time that it caused. 
The army quitted the bay of Philipina for the port of 
d'Ychuse, the day of Notre Dame d'Aout, which caused to 
be given to it the name of Santa Maria Philipina. It is 
one of the best ports which they have discovered in the 



CHAP. XVI.] EXAMINATION OF COAST IN 1561 TO 35°. 423 

Indias : the lowest depth is not less than twelve cubits ; it 
has seven or eight fathoms in the interior ; the width is 
three leagues; the Spaniards are still there ; the bar is half 
a league wide." Again, it is said : " The ships can cast 
anchor in four or five fathoms, at a shot of the cross-bow 
from the shore ; the port is so sure that no wind can occa- 
sion there any misfortune. We saw there some cabins, 
which appeared to belong to Indian fishers ; the soil seemed 
very fertile ; there grew there many vines, nuts, and other 
fruit trees ; there were numerous woods, much game, many 
birds, excellent fish and of all kinds. We found there also, 
a field of maize." 

If we consider this as intended to describe the port 
and bay of Santa Maria, the description was well cal- 
culated to encourage a subsequent settlement there. 

Velasco, in his letter of September 1559, writes 
that he is going to send promptly the supplies of 
which the governor has ne^d. It was contemplated 
to explore the country, to choose a place for coloniz- 
ing, and to build a fortress ; after this, to penetrate 
into the interior, and put in execution a plan for pro- 
pagating the Catholic religion. 

On the 27th of May 1561, Angel de Villafane, go- 
vernor and captain general of the provinces of Flo- 
rida, entered, with a frigate, into the river of Saint 
Helena, and proceeded to thirty-three degrees. He 
made four or five leagues, and disembarked ; not 
deeming the place suitable for colonizing, he regained 
the sea and followed the coast, to seek a port. After 
having doubled the Cape San Roman, at thirty-four 
degrees, he went upon land the 2d of June, and saw 
a great river, of which he took possession. The 8th 



424 EXAMINATION OF COAST IN 1561 TO 35°. [book n. 

of June he entered, on board of the frigates, the river 
Jordan, which runs near this cape. Again he put to 
sea. He sent the treasurer Alonzo Velasquez, to the 
river of Canoes, situated near thirty-four degrees and 
a half. The reconnoissance of the coast was conti- 
nued until the 14th of June, when the cape of Tra- 
falgar was found in about thirty-five degrees. A tem- 
pest prevented the reconnoissance from being prose- 
cuted farther. They reached the port of Monte 
Christo, in the isle of Hispaniola, the 9th of July 
1561. 

The relations, from which this chapter is taken, are 
in a volume of pieces on Florida, published at Paris 
in 1841, in Ternaux's collection of original voyages, 
relations and memoirs, to serve for the history of the 
discovery of America. On comparing the degrees 
with the best maps of the present day, it is very ob- 
vious that the degrees, as understood by the writers of 
these relations, vary, to some extent, from the degrees 
as now understood. 



CHAP. XVii] VOYAGE OF RIBAULT TO FLORIDA: 1563. 425 



CHAPTER XVII. 

Of the dissensions existing in France in 1562 ; and the voyage thence 
to Florida this year under captain John Ribault. 

Francis the First of France, died in March 1547, 
about two months after Henry the Eighth of England. 
He was succeeded by Henry the Second, who died 
the 10th of July 1559. Francis the Second, a son of 
Henry and of Catharine de Medici, had the year be- 
fore he ascended the throne married Mary Stuart, 
only child of James the Fifth of Scotland, by Maria of 
Lorraine, daughter of Claude the first duke of Guise. 
During his short reign of seventeen months were 
sown the seeds of evils which afterwards desolated 
France. The uncles of his wife, Francis duke of 
Guise, and the duke's brother Charles, the cardinal 
of Lorraine, held the reigns of government. Antony 
of Bourbon, King of Navarre, and his brother Louis, 
Prince of Conde, unwilling to see them govern the 
kingdom while princes of the blood were removed 
from the administration, united with the Protestants 
to overthrow the Guises who were protectors of the 
Catholics. Ambition was the cause, religion the 
pretext, and the conspiracy of Amboise the first 
symptom of the civil war which broke out in March 
1560. In relation to this subject, reference has been 
made to the second volume of " Nouvel abrege 
chronologique de I'histoire de France," printed at 
54 



426 VOYAGE OF RIBAULT TO FLORIDA; 1562. [book ii. 

Paris in 1775, the author of which remarks at page 
515, that "the difference of commencing the year 
in the month of January, or at Easter, has occa- 
sioned sometimes a diversity in dates ; some placing, 
for example, the conspiracy of Amboise in 1559, and 
others in 1560." 

The Prince of Conde, as the head of the Hugue- 
nots, was already condemned to die by the hands of 
the executioner, when Francis the Second died the 
5th of December 1560, in the eighteenth year of his 
age. He was succeeded by his brother Charles the 
Ninth, who ascended the throne at the age of ten 
years. His mother, Catharine de Medici, without 
having the title of regent, undertook to administer 
the government, with the counsel of the King of Na- 
varre, who was appointed governor general. In the 
beginning of this reign the Prince of Conde was set 
at liberty. 

There were in England, after the death of Henry 
the Eighth, as many different sovereigns within a short 
number of years, as in France after the death of 
Francis the First. The reign of Edward the Sixth 
ended the 6th of July 1553; then Mary was queen 
till her marriage with Philip the 25th of July 1554; 
and Philip and Mary reigned till her death on the 
17th of November 1558, when Elizabeth ascended 
the throne. 

In the mean time, to Avit, in 1555, the Emperor 
Charles the Fifth had abdicated his crown in favour 
of Philip. After the death of Mary, who had been 
induced by Philip to declare war against France, he 
made peace with that kingdom in 1559, and soon af- 



CHAP. XVII.] VOYAGE OF RIBAULT TO FLORIDA ; 1562. 427 

ter married a daughter of Henry the Second. The 
arrival of PhiUp in Spain this year was celebrated by 
the inquisition ; he received from the Protestants the 
appellation of Demon of the South. 

Mary Stuart, whom Catharine de Medici loved not, 
and who loved her no more, returned to Scotland in 
1561 by the advice of her uncle, the cardinal of Lor- 
raine, after having relinquished the arms and the title 
of Queen of England, to avoid being stopped by the 
vessels of Ehzabeth. 

In France, there were now two strong parties : On 
the side of Conde were the Protestants and Gaspard 
de Coligny, admiral of France ; on the side of Fran- 
cis Guise, now duke of Lorraine, were the constable 
of Montmorenci and the marshal of Saint Andre. 
To these the King of Navarre joined himself; and 
the fear that his junction would make the party of 
the Catholics too powerful, it is said, caused the edict 
of January 1562, which granted to the Huguenots 
the public exercise of their religion. This was with 
a proviso that they should advance nothing opposed 
to the Council of Nice, to symbols, or to the Old or 
New Testament.* The domestic dissensions which 
existed were probably not without their influence in 
leading the French now to take measures for coloni- 
zing in America. 

The admiral of Chastillon caused two ships to sail 
for America in 1562 under captain John Ribault, a Hu- 
guenot, accompanied by several gentlemen, amongst 
whom was Mons'r Rene Laudonniere who has given 
an account of the voyage. It will be found in the 

* " L'histoire de France," printed at Paris in 1775, vol. 2, p. 525. 



428 VOYAGE OF RIBAULT TO FLORIDA; 1562. [BOOK II. 

third volume of Hakluyt's Collection, page 303 to 
319. They went to sea the 18th of February, and 
after sailing two months, arrived in Florida, landing 
near a cape distant from the equator about thirty de- 
grees, which they called Cape Francois. Coasting 
north, they discovered a great river where they landed 
and saw many Indians, men and women, by whom 
they were kindly received. Not far from the mouth 
of this river they planted a pillar of stone on which 
were the arms of France. Then they crossed over 
to the other side of the river and offered up a prayer 
of thanksgiving for having been so far safely con- 
ducted. Several Indians were present, observing at- 
tentively this proceeding. When it was over, there 
was an exchange of presents between their king and 
Ribault. After which the French went back to the 
shore where they first were, and exchanged presents 
with the king that was on that side. The river, they 
called the river of May, because they discovered it 
the first of that month. 

Returning to the ships they weighed anchor and 
hoisted their sails, to discover the coast farther north. 
They discovered and partly explored another river 
which they called the Seine. They had not sailed 
much farther along the coast before they discovered 
a third river and an isle. They saw here a king, no 
less affable than the rest, and named this river the 
Somme. Sailing then about six leagues, they viewed 
a fourth river which they named the Loyre, and there 
discovered five others, whereof the first was named 
Cherente, the second Garonne, the third Gironde, the 
fourth Belle, the fifth Grande ; having thus in less 



CHAP. XVII.] VOYAGE OF RIBAULT TO FLORIDA; 1562. 429 

than sixty leagues, discovered many things along nine 
rivers. Yet they sailed further north, following, says 
Laudonniere, " the course that might bring us to the 
river of Jordan, one of the fairest rivers of the north." 
Fogs and tempests constrained them to leave the 
coast and bear to sea, but when the weather became 
better, they saw a river which they called Belle a Voir, 
and afterwards arrived at a mighty river in thirty-two 
degrees, which, because of its fairness and largeness, 
they named Port Royal. Here they cast anchor at 
ten fathoms of water ; the depth being such " when 
the sea beginneth to flow that the greatest ships of 
France, yea the arguses of Venice, may enter in 
there." The captain and his soldiers went ashore, 
he being the first to land. 

"The river," says Laudonniere, '-'at the month thereof, 
from cape to cape, is no less than three French leagues 
broad : it is divided into two great arms, whereof the one 
runneth towards the west, the other towards the north. 
And I believe in my judgment that the arm which stretch- 
eth towards the north, runneth up into the country as far 
as the river Jordan : the other arm runneth into the sea, as 
it was known and understood by those of our company 
which were left behind to dwell in this place. These two 
arms are two great leagues broad, and in the midst of them 
there is an isle which is pointed towards the opening of the 
great river." 

They sailed in the ships three leagues up the river, 
and cast anchor. After which, Ribault, accompa- 
nied by some of the soldiers, went further up, into the 
arm that runs towards the west. Having sailed 
twelve leagues, they perceived a troop of Indians, 



430 VOYAGE OF BIBAULT TO FLORIDA J 1562. [book II. 

who, SO soon as they saw the pinnaces, fled into the 
woods, leaving behind a young Lucerne they were 
turning on a spit; for which reason the place was 
called Cape Lucerne. Finding another arm of the 
river, which run towards the east, the captain deter- 
mined to sail up that. A little while after, they saw 
Indians in the woods, who at first were dismayed, but 
afterwards made signs to the French to come on shore. 
After exchanging presents with the Indians, and ta- 
king aboard their pinnace a pillar of hard stone, fash- 
ioned like a column, whereon were engraved the arms 
of the King of France, they sailed three leagues to- 
wards the west, where, says Laudonniere, " we disco- 
vered a little river, up which we sailed so long, that 
in the end we found it returned into the great cur- 
rent, and in his return to make a little island, sepa- 
rated from the firm land, where we went on shore ; 
and by commandment of the captain, because it was 
exceeding fair and pleasant, there we planted the pil- 
lar upon a hillock, open round about to the view, and 
environed with a lake, half a fathom deep, of very 
good and sweet water." The little river they named 
the river of Liborne. Then they embarked to search 
another isle, not far distant, whereon finding nothing 
but tall cedars, they called it the Isle of Cedars. 

A few days afterwards, Ribault, with a body of sol- 
diers, returned to that arm of the river which runs 
towards the west, and at the same place at which they 
first saw the Indians, took, by permission of their 
king, two Indians to carry to France, as the queen 
had commanded. While these Indians were on board 
the ship, they spoke to Laudonniere of the greatest 



CHAP. XVli] VOYAGE OF RIBAULT TO TLORIDA ', 1562. 431 

lord of their country, whom they called Chiquola, 
who dwelt in an enclosure, within which were many 
houses. 

"I began," says Laudonniere, "to shew them all the 
parts of Heaven, to the intent to learn in which quarter 
they dwelt. And straightway, one of them, stretching out 
-his hand, shewed me that they dwelt towards the north, 
which makes me think that it was the river of Jordan. 
And now, I remember that in the reign of the Emperor 
Charles the Fifth, certain Spaniards, inhabitants of Saint 
Domingo, (which made a voyage to get certain slaves to 
work in their mines.) stole away by subtlety, the inhabi- 
tants of this river, to the number of forty, thinking to carry 
them into their New Spain. But they lost their labour, for, 
in despite, they died all for hunger, saving one, that was 
brought to the emperor, which, a little while after, he 
caused to be baptized, and gave him his own name, and 
called him Charles of Chiquola, because he spake so much 
of tiiis lord of Chiquola, whose subject he was. Also, he 
reported continually that Chiquola made his abode within 
a very great enclosed city. Besides this proof, those which 
were left in the first voyage, have certified me, that the In- 
dians shewed them, by evident signs, that farther within 
the land, towards the north, there was a great enclosure, or 
city, where Chiquola dwelt. 

"After they (the Indians) had staid awhile in our ships, 
they began to be sorry, and still demanded of me when 
they should return. I made them understand that the cap- 
tain's will was to send them home again, but that first he 
would bestow apparel on them, which four days after was 
delivered unto them. But seeing he would not give them 
license to depart, they resolved with themselves to steal 
away by night, and to get a little boat which we had, and 
by the help of the tide, to sail home toward their dwellings, 



433 VOYAGE OF RIBAULT TO FLORIDA; 1562. [book ii. 

and by this means to save themselves ; which thing they 
failed not to do, and put their enterprise in execution, yet 
leaving behind them the apparel which the captain had 
given them, and carrying away nothing but that which 
was their own." 

At the mouth of the river, Ribault having com- 
manded that all the men of his ship should come 
upon deck, made an oration to encourage some of 
his men to dwell there, which was well received. He 
embarked next morning to select a fit place for the 
habitation, and was followed by those disposed to in- 
habit there. 

" Having," says Laudonniere, "sailed up the great river 
on the north side, in coasting an isle which ended with a 
sharp point towards the mouth of the river, having sailed 
awhile, he discovered a small river, which entered into the 
island, which he would not fail to search out : which done, 
and finding the same deep enough to harbour therein, gal- 
lies and galliots in good number, proceeding fiu'lher he 
found a very open place, joining upon the bank thereof, 
where he went on land ; and seeing the place fit to build a 
fortress at, and commodious for them that were willing to 
plant there, he resolved incontinent to cause the bigness of 
the fortification to be measured out. And, considering that 
there staid but twenty-six there, he caused the fort to be 
made in length but sixten fathoms, and thirteen in breadth, 
with flanks according to the proportion diereof. The mea- 
sure being taken by me and captain Salles, we sent unto 
the ships for men, and to bring shovels, pick-axes and other 
instruments necessary to make the fortification. We tra- 
vailed so diligently, that in a short space the fort was made 
in some sort defencible : in which meantime John Ribault 
caused victuals and warlike munition to be brought, for the 
defence of the place." 



CHAP. XVII.] VOYAGE OF RIBAULT TO FLORIDA; 1562. 433 

They called the fort Caroline or Charles Fort, and 
the river Chenondeau. Kibault made an exhortation 
to Captain Albert, whom he left in his place, and to 
the men who staid behind, and then departed, says 
Laudonniere, " with good hopes, if occasion would 
permit, to discover perfectly the river of Jordan." 
Saihng towards the north, after going about fifteen 
leagues thence, they saw a river, and sent the pinnace 
to it, which, finding not more than half a fathom of 
water in its mouth, it was called the Base or Shallow 
river. As they went on sounding, they found not past 
five or six fathoms of water, although six good leagues 
from the shore ; and at length not past three fathoms. 
Stopping for the night, when morning came, Ribault 
referred to the company what was best to be done. 
Some answered that he had occasion fully to content 
himself, since he had discovered more in six weeks 
than the Spaniards had done in two years, in the con- 
quest of New Spain ; and that he should do the king 
great service if he did bring him news in so short a 
time, of his happy discovery. Others set forth the 
loss of food, and likewise the inconvenience that 
might arise from the shallow water found continually 
along the coast. " Which things," says Laudonniere, 
" being well and at large debated, we resolved to leave 
the coast, forsaking the north to take our way toward 
the east, which is the right way and course to our 
France, where we happily arrived the 20th day of 
July, the year 1562." 

Albert became on good terms with the Indian kings 
in his vicinity, and visited the country of Stalame, 
distant fifteen great leagues from Charles Fort; it 
55 



434 VOYAGE OF RIBAULT TO FLORIDA) 1562. [book II. 

was situate to the north, and Albert sailed up the ri- 
ver to get to it. On each side of them the Indians 
were very friendly : supplying them with provisions, 
and when their house was burnt by accident, assisting 
to rebuild it. After a time, however, there was a mu- 
tiny, and Albert was killed. The men then built a 
small pinnace, wherein they might return to France, 
if no succour came to them ; the Indians supplied 
them with cordage. Their voyage was tedious, and 
they suffered greatly for want of food and water ; so 
much that, it is said, they eat their shoes and leather 
jerkins, and some of them died from hunger. In their 
despair, some among them urged that it was better 
one should die than so many perish ; and it was agreed 
one should die to sustain the others : the agreement 
was executed, and his flesh divided among his fellows. 
At last land was seen, and they were boarded by an 
English bark, in which was a Frenchman, who had 
been with Ribault in Florida. It was determined by 
the Englishmen to land the most feeble, and carry the 
rest to their queen, who purposed at that time to send 
to Florida. 



CHAP, xviu ] VOYAGE TO FLORIDA IN 1564. 435 



CHAPTER XVIII. 

Of the Hugueuots in France from 1562 to 1564 ; and the voyage of M. 
Ren6 Laudonniere in 1564 from that country to Florida. 

In 1562, the duke of Guise determined to pursue 
the Protestants, sword in hand. Having passed the 
borders of Champagne, he found them at Vassi, the 
first of March 1562, singing psalms in a barn. His 
party insulted them ; they came to blows ; and of the 
Protestants nearly sixty were killed and two hundred 
wounded. The duke of Guise was wounded also. 
A civil war now raged throughout the kingdom. 
This was the state of things when Ribault returned 
to France in July ; and this the cause of no immedi- 
ate succour being sent to the men left in Florida. 

The prince of Conde was now the declared chief 
of the Protestants : he surprised Orleans, which 
thenceforth became their headquarters. The Hu- 
guenots, encouraged by his example, took possession 
of several cities, among others of Rouen. On the 
15th of October, when the army of the king retook 
Rouen by assault, the king of Navarre received a 
wound, of which he died the 17th of November. 
On the 19th of December was the battle of Dreux, 
where the generals of both armies were made priso- 
ners ; the prince of Conde and the constable of 
Montmorenci. There the marshal of St. Andre was 
killed. The duke of Guise, though he had not the 



436 VOYAGE TO FLORIDA IN 1564. [BOOK II. 

command, gained the victory. That night, his priso- 
ner the prince of Conde slept in the same bed with 
him : next day the prince related that he had not 
closed his eyes, but that the duke had slept at his side 
as profoundly as if they had been the best friends in 
the world. At the siege of Orleans, on the 24th of 
February 1563, the duke was killed by a pistol shot, 
fired by Poltrot de Mercy, a Huguenot nobleman. 
On the 19th of March, there was an edict of peace : 
which so far as it gave advantages to the Huguenots, 
resulted from the fear of their being assisted by Eng- 
land. 

In 1564, the plague in several of the cities caused 
the king to go to the chateau of Roussillon in Dau- 
phiny. There he made an edict, by which he dimi- 
nished the advantages before granted to the Hugue- 
nots. There, too, " the famous ordinance of Roussil- 
lon was made, importing that the year should there- 
after begin on the first of January, instead of on Holy 
Saturday, after vespers ; the parliament consented to 
this change only towards the year 1567. It is to be 
remarked on this subject, that the Romans com- 
menced the year on the first of January, and gave 
presents on that day ; and M. Ducange observes that 
in France, even when the year commenced at Easter, 
they still gave presents the first of January."* 

This year, (1564,) through the influence of the 
Lord Admiral De Chastillon, three ships were fur- 
nished, one of six score tons, another of one hundred 
and the third of sixty, to seek out and succour the 
men left in Florida, of whom nothing had been 

* " L'Histoire de France," vol. 2, p. 529, 30. 



CHAP, xviii.] VOYAGE TO FLORIDA IN 1564. 437 

heard. M. Rene Laudonniere was made chief cap- 
tain, and has given an account of his proceedings at 
great length. It is in the third volume of Hakluyt's 
Collection, page 319 to 349. He embarked at New 
Haven, the 22d of April 1564, and arrived at Florida 
(which he calls New France) on the 22d of June, and 
landed near a little river which is described as thirty 
degrees from the equator and ten leagues above Cape 
Francois, drawing toward the south, and about thirty 
leagues above the river of May. At the moulh of 
the river, the channel was found to be very shallow, 
although farther within the water was found reasona- 
bly deep, which separated itself into two great arms, 
whereof one runs towards the south and the other to- 
wards the north. He named it the river of Dolphins. 
On the 23d, he weighed anchor and sailed toward the 
river of May, where he arrived two days after. Here 
he was entertained by the same king who had been 
met with in the voyage of Ribault : the pillar there 
erected was still standing and appeared to be treated 
by the Indians with great reverence. 

Laudonniere sailed three leagues up the river, 
where he was treated with great kindness. He re- 
marks that " more than six great leagues off, near 
the river Belle, a man may behold the meadows divi- 
ded asunder into isles and islets, interlacing one ano- 
ther. Briefly," he says, " the place is so pleasant, 
that those which are melancholic would be enforced 
to change their humour." 

Returning to the ships, Laudonniere sailed toward 
the river of Seine, distant from the river of May 
about four leagues, and then to the Somme not past 



438 VOYAGE TO FLORIDA IN 1564. [book ii. 

five leagues distant from the Seine. Here, after he 
had visited the king and returned to the ships, there 
was a conference, in which it was agreed to be more 
expedient to seat on the river of May than to go fur- 
ther north to Port Royal ; and so sailing again, he ar- 
rived at the river of May the 29th of June. He went 
to the place which had been discovered before, when 
he sailed up the river. 

" On the morrow, about the break of day," proceeds Lau- 
donniere, " I commanded a trumpet to be sounded, that 
being assembled, we might give God thanks for our fa- 
vourable and happy arrival. There we sang a psalm of 
thanksgiving unto God, beseeching liim that it would 
please him of his grace to continue his accustomed good- 
ness towards us, his poor servants, and aid us in all our en- 
terprises, that all might turn to his glory and the advance- 
ment of our king. The prayer ended, every man began to 
take courage. 

"Afterward, having measured out a piece of ground, in 
form of a triangle, we endeavoured ourselves of all sides, 
some to bring earth, some to cut fagots, and others to raise 
and make the rampire, for there was not a man that had not 
either a shovel, or cutting hook, or hatchet, as well to make 
the ground plain by cutting down the trees, as for the 
building of the fort, which we did hasten in such cheerful- 
ness, that within few days the effect of our diligence was 
apparent ; in which mean space the Paracoussy Satouriona, 
our nearest neighbour, and on whose ground we built our 
fort, came, usually accompanied with his two sons and a 
great number of Indians, to offer to do us all courtesy. 
And I likewise, for my part, bestowed divers of our trifles 
frankly on him, to the end he might know the good will 
we bare him, and thereby make him more desirous of our 



CHAP. XVIll] VOYAGE TO FLORIDA IN 1564. 439 

friendship, in such sort, that as the days increased, so our 
amity and friendship increased also, 

" After that our fort was brought into form, I began to 
build a grange to retire my munition and things necessary 
for the defence of our fort : praying the Paracoussy to com- 
mand his subjects to make us a covering of palm leaves ; 
and this to the end, that when that was done, 1 might un- 
freight my ships, and put under coverture those things that 
were in them. Suddenly, the Paracoussy commanded, in 
my presence, all the Indians of his company to dress the 
next day morning so good a number of palm leaves, that 
the grange was covered in less than two days ; so that bu- 
siness was finished. For in the space of these two days, 
the Indians never ceased from working, some in fetching 
palm leaves, others in interlacing of them : in such sort that 
their king's commandment was executed as he desired. 

"Our fort was built in form of a triangle. The side to- 
ward the west, which was toward the land, was inclosed 
with a little trench and raised with trusses made in form of 
a battlement of nine foot high : the other side, which was 
toward the river, was inclosed with a palisado of planks of 
timber, after the manner that gabions are made. On the 
south side there was a kind of bastion, within which I caused 
an house for the munition to be built: it was all builded 
with fagots and sand, saving about two or three foot high 
with turfs, whereof the battlements were made. In the 
midst I caused a great court to be made, of eighteen paces 
long and broad : in the midst whereof, on the one side 
drawing toward the south, I builded a corps de gard, and 
an house on the other side toward the north, which I 
caused to be raised somewhat too high: for within a short 
time after, the wind beat it down ; and experience taught 
me, that we may not build with high stages in this coun- 
try, by reason of the winds, whereunto it is subject. One 
of the sides that inclosed my court, which I made very fair 
and large, reached unto the grange of my munitions : and 



440 VOYAGE TO FLORIDA IN 1564. [book ii. 

on the Other side, toward the river, was mine own lodg- 
ing, round about which were galleries, all covered. The 
principal door of my lodging was in the midst of the great 
place, and the other was toward the river. A good dis- 
tance from the fort I built an oven, to avoid the danger 
against fire, because the houses are of palm leaves, which 
will soon be burnt after the fire catches hold of them, so 
that, with much ado, a man shall have leisure to quench 
them. Lo, here, in brief, the description of our fortress, 
which I named Caroline, in honour of our prince, King 
Charles." 

On the 28th of July, the ships departed for France ; 
the 4th of September, Captain Bourdet arrived with 
other soldiers. About the 10th, Bourdet determined 
to return to France, and carried with him, at the re- 
quest of Laudonniere, six or seven soldiers whom the 
latter could not trust. 

From time to time excursions were made up the 
river to make discoveries of the interior. But these 
were checked after a while, by some of the mariners 
and other men stealing away with the barks for the 
purpose of going to the Antilles. Two larger barks 
were directed to be built, but when they were nearly 
ready, a large number of the men mutinied, took 
the captain into custody, and having armed the ves- 
sels, compelled him to sign a passport. The men 
who went in one of the barks, after committing seve- 
ral piracies, amongst which they took a brigantine 
and went aboard of it in lieu of their bark, returned 
to the river of May, where four of them were shot as 
an example to those whom they had suborned. In 
the absence of these men, two other barks had been 
built. 



CHAP, xvm] VOYAGE TO FLORIDA IN 1564. 441 

" Two Indians," says Laudonniere, '-' came unto me one 
day to salute me on the behalf of their king, whose name 
was Marracou, dwelling from the place of our fort some 
forty leagues toward the south, and told me that there was 
one in the house of King Onathaqua, which was called 
Barbu or the bearded man, and in the house of King Ma- 
thiaca, another man whose name they knew not, which 
was not of their nation : whereupon I conceived that these 
might be some Christians, Wherefore I sent to all the 
kings my neighbours, to pray them, that if there were any 
Christian dwelling in their countrys, they would find 
means that he might be brought unto me, and that I would 
make them double recompense. They, which love re- 
wards, took so much pains that the two men whereof we 
have spoken, were brought to the fort unto me. They 
were naked, wearing their hair long, unto their hams, as 
the savages used to do, and were Spaniards born, yet so 
well accustomed to the fashion of the country, that at the 
first sight they found our manner of apparel strange. After 
that I had questioned of certain matters with them, I 
caused them to be apparelled and to cut their hair ; which 
they would loose, but lapped it up in a linen cloth, saying 
that they would carry it into their country to be a testi- 
mony of the misery that they had incurred in the Indias. 
In the hair of one of them was found a little gold hidden, 
to the value of five and twenty crowns, which he gave 
unto me. And examining them of the places where they 
had been, and how they came thither, they answered me 
that fifteen years past, three ships, in one of which they 
were, were cast away over against a place named Calos, 
upon the flats which are called the Martyrs, and that the 
king of Calos recovered the greatest part of the riches 
which were in the said ships travelling, in such sort that 
the greatest part of the people was saved and many wo- 
men : among which number there were three or four wo- 
56 



442 VOYAGE TO FLORIDA IN 1564. [book ii. 

men married, remaining there yet, and their children also, 
with this king of Calos. I desired to learn what this king 
was. They answered me that he was the goodliest and 
the tallest Indian of the country, a mighty man, a warrior, 
and having many subjects under his obedience. They told 
me, moreover, that he had great store of gold and silver, so 
far forth, that in a certain village, he had a pit full tliereof, 
which was at the least as high as a man and as large as a 
ton : all which wealth the Spaniards fully persuaded them- 
selves that they could cause me to recover, if I were able 
to march thither with an hundred shot, besides that which 
I might get of the common people of the country, which 
had also great store thereof They further also advertised 
me, that the women going to dance, did wear about their 
girdles plates of gold as broad as a saucer, and in such 
number, that the weight did hinder them to dance at their 
ease ; and that the men wear the like also. The greatest 
part of these riches was had, as they said, out of the Spa- 
nish ships which commonly were cast away in this strait ; 
and the rest by the traffic which this king of Calos had 
with the other kings of the country : finally that he was 
had of great reverence by his subjects ; and that he made 
them believe that his sorceries and charms were the causes 
that made the earth bring forth her fruit : and that he 
might the easier persuade them that it was so, he retired 
himself once or twice a year to a certain house, accompa- 
nied with two or three of his most familiar friends, where 
he used certain enchantments; and if any man intended 
himself to go to see what they did in this place, the king 
immediately caused him to be put to death. Moreover, 
they told me, that every year,- in the time of harvest, this 
savage king sacrificed one man, which was kept expressly 
for this purpose, and taken out of the number of the Spa- 
niards which by tempest were cast away upon that coast. 
One of these two declared unto me that he had served him 
a long time for a messenger ; and that often times, by his 



CHAP. XVlit] VOYAGE TO FLORIDA IN 1564. 443 

commandment, he had visited a king named Oathcaqua, 
distant from Calos four or five days journey, which always 
remained his faithful friend; but that in the midway, there 
was an island situate in a great lake of fresh water, named 
Sarrope, about five leagues in bigness, abounding with 
many sorts of fruits, specially in dates, which grow on the 
palm trees, whereof they make a wonderful traffic ; yet not 
so great as of a kind of root, whereof they make a kind of 
meal, so good to make bread of, that it is impossible to eat 
better, and that for fifteen leagues about, all the country is 
fed therewith : which is the cause that the inhabitants of 
the isle gain of their neighbours great wealth and profit ; 
for they will not depart with this root without they be well 
paid for it. Besides that, they are taken for the most war- 
like men of all that country, as they made good proof when 
the king of Calos, having made alliance with Oathcaqua. 
was deprived of Oathcaqua's daughter, which he promised 
to him in marriage. He told me the whole matter in this 
sort : As Oathcaqua, well accompanied with his people, car- 
ried one of his daughters, exceeding beautiful, according to 
the colour of the country, unto king Calos, to give her unto 
him for his wife, the inhabitants of this isle, advertised of 
the matter, laid an ambush for him, in a place where he 
should pass, and so behaved themselves, that Oathcaqua 
was discomfited, the betrothed young spouse taken, and all 
the damsels that accompanied her ; which they carried unto 
their isle ; which thing, in all the Indian country, they es- 
teem to be the greatest victory: for afterwards, they marry 
these virgins and love them above all measure. The Spa- 
niard that made this relation, told me, that after this defeat, 
he went to dwell v/ith Oathcaqua, and had been with him 
full eight years, even until the time that he was sent unto 
me. The place of Calos is situate upon a river which is 
beyond the cape of Florida, forty or fifty leagues towards 
the southwest: and the dwelling of Oathcaqua is on this 
side the cape, toward the north, in a place which we call, 



444 VOYAGE TO FLORIDA IN 1564. [book u. 

in the chart, Cannaveral, which is in twenty-eight de- 
grees." 

In another place he says : 

" The Indians are wont to leave their houses and to re- 
tire themselves into the woods, the space of three months, 
to wit, January, February and March : during which time 
by no means a man can see one Indian. For when they 
go on hunting, they make little cottages in the woods, 
whereunto they retire themselves, living upon that which 
they take in hunting. This was the cause that during this 
time, we could get no victuals by their means : and had it 
not been that I had made good provision thereof, while my 
men had store, until the end of April (which was the time 
when at the uttermost, we hoped to have succor out of 
France) I should have been greatly annoyed. This hope 
was the cause that the soldiers took no great care to look 
well unto their victuals, although I divided equally among 
them that which I could get abroad in the country, without 
reserving unto myself any more than the least soldier of all 
the company. The month of May approaching, and no 
manner of succor come out of France, we fell into extreme 
want of victuals, constrained to eat the roots of the earth 
and certain sorrel which we found in the fields. For al- 
though the savages were returned by this time unto their 
villages, yet they succored us with nothing but certain fish, 
without which assuredly we had perished with famine. 
Besides they had given us before, the greatest part of their 
maize and of their beans for our merchandise. This fa- 
mine held us from the beginning of May until the middle 
of June. During which time the poor soldiers and handi- 
craftsmen become as feeble as might be, and being not able 
to work did nothing but go one after another in centinel 
unto the clift of an hill, situate very near unto the fort, to 
see if they might discover any French ship." 



CHAP. SVlli ] VOYAGE TO FLORIDA IN 1564. 445 

It was now resolved to trim up a bark and build a 
larger ship wherein to return to France ; the calcula- 
tion was that the ships would be ready by the 8th of 
August. In the mean time food was wanted to sus- 
tain the company ; and the plan was suggested of 
seizing on an Indian king, those in favour of it saying 
that if they had the king, his subjects would not let 
them suffer for want of food. Laudonniere did not 
at first agree to this, but in the end consented, to 
avoid the sedition which he foresaw would ensue if 
he refused. Departing with fifty of his best soldiers, 
in two barks, he arrived in the dominions of Utina, 
distant from the fort about forty or fifty leagues. Then 
going on shore he drew towards Utina's village, situ- 
ated six great leagues from the river, and took him 
prisoner. Yet very small supplies were obtained ei- 
ther by this or any other measure until he sent to the 
river of Somme. There a great many of the lords 
of the country had assembled to make merry, and the 
men got good cheer and their boats laden with meal. 
In the mean time hostihties had ensued from taking 
Utina, in which two of the carpenters were slain. The 
master carpenter then declared himself unable, for 
want of men, to make the ship by the time he had 
promised, " which speech caused such a mutiny 
among the soldiers that very hardly he escaped kil- 
ling." However, the captain appeased them, and in- 
stead of working longer on the ship, repairs were 
commenced on the brigantine. The men began to 
beat down the houses without the fort, so that they 
might have the timber ; they beat down also the pali- 
sade which was toward the water's side. 



446 SIR JOHN HAWKINS, [book li. 



CHAPTER XIX. 

Of Sir John Hawkins ; his voyages from London to Africa, to take ne- 
groes and sell them ; his visit to Laudonni^re in Florida, in 1565 ; 
and his going home by Newfoundland. 

On the 3d of August, Laudonniere descried four 
sails ; it was the fleet of John Hawkins of England, 
afterwards made a knight ; he was on a voyage in 
which he had taken negroes in Africa, and had been 
selUng them. For the better understanding of this 
matter, we must go some years back. 

It was stated in the twenty-ninth chapter of the 
first book, page 266, that Diego Columbus departed 
from Hispaniola the 9th of April 1515. It was not 
until 1520 that he obtained a decision from the Em- 
peror Charles the Fifth, as to his rights. He sailed 
in September, and found that, during his absence, 
considerable changes had taken place. The sugar 
cane was cultivated in place of working the mines ; 
and slaves had been imported in great numbers from 
Africa, being found more serviceable in the culture of 
the cane than the feeble Indians.* 

Hawkins having ascertained " that negroes were very 
good merchandise in Hispaniola, and that store of negroes 
might easily be had upon the coast of Guinea, resolved 
with himself to make trial thereof, and commnnicated that 
device with his worshipful friends of London, namely, with 

* living's Columbus, vol. 2, p. 220, 21, Appendix No. 2. 



CHAP. XIX.] TRAFFIC IN NEGROES. 447 

Sir Lionel Diichet, Sir Thomas Lodge, Mr. Gunson his 
father-ill-law, Sir William Winter, Mr. Bromfield, and 
others ; all which persons liked so well of his intention, that 
they became liberal contributors and adventurers in the ac- 
tion ; for which purpose there were three good ships imme- 
diately provided : the one called the Solomon, of the bur- 
then of one hundred and twenty tons, wherein M. Haw- 
kins himself went as general ; the second the Swallow, of 
one hundred tons, wherein went for captain M. Thomas 
Hampton ; and the third, the Jonas, a barque of forty tons, 
wherein the master supplied the captain's room. In which 
small fleet, M. Hawkins took with him not above one hun- 
dred men, for fear of sickness and other inconveniences, 
whereunto men in long voyages are commonly subject. 

"With this company he put off and departed from the 
coast of England in the month of December 1562, and in his 
course touched first at Teneriffe, where he received friendly 
entertainment. From thence he passed to Sierre Leone, 
upon the coast of Guinea, which place, by the people of 
the country is called Tagarin, where he stayed some good 
time, and got into his possession, partly by the sword and 
partly by other means, to the number of three hundred ne- 
groes at the least, besides other merchandises which that 
country yieldeth. W^ith this prey, he sailed over the Ocean 
sea unto the island of Hispaniola, and arrived first at the 
port of Isabella : and there he had reasonable utterance of 
his English commodities, as also of some part of his ne- 
groes, trusting the Spaniards no further than that by his 
own strength he Was able still to master them. From the 
port of Isabella he went to Puerto del Plata, where he made 
like sales, standing always upon his guard ; from thence, 
also, he sailed to Monte Christi, another port on the north 
side of Hispaniola, and the last place of his touching, where 
he had peaceable traffic, and made vent of the whole num- 
ber of his negroes : for which he received in those three 



448 TRAFriC IN NEGROES. [book ii. 

places, by way of exchange, such quantity of merchandise 
that he did not only lade his own three ships with hides, 
ginger, sugars, and some quantity of pearls, but he freighted 
also two other hulks with hides and other like commodities, 
which he sent into Spain. And thus, leaving the island, 
he returned and disembogued, passing out by the islands of 
the Caycos, without further entering into the bay of Mex- 
ico, in this his first voyage to the West Indias. And so, 
witli prosperous success, and much gain to himself and the 
aforesaid adventurers, he came home, and arrived in the 
month of September 1563."* 

About a year after, Hawkins commenced a second 
voyage. He sailed from Plymouth on the 18th of 
October 1564, with four ships and one hundred and 
ninety men, furnished with ordnance and provisions. 
The business in which he had embarked, was not one 
which it would be creditable to an English knight to 
engage in now, but from the way in which his pro- 
ceedings are related, it is apparent that they were not 
regarded, at that day, as at all disgraceful. There is 
no occasion to speak of them till the 12th of Decem- 
ber, when he reached Sambula. 

"In this island we stayed certain days, going every day 
on shore to take the inhabitants, with burning and spoiling 
their towns, who before were Sapies and were conquered 
by the Samboses, inhabitants beyond Sierra Leone. These 
Samboses had inhabited there three years before our coming 
thither, and in so short a space have so planted the ground 
that they had great plenty of millet, rice, roots, pumpkins, 
also poultry, goats, small fry dried, and every house full of 
the country fruit planted by God's providence, as palmetto 

» Third vol. of Hakluyt, p. 500. 



CHAP. XIX,] TRAFFIC IN NEGROES, 449 

trees, fruits like dates, and sundry other in no place in all 
that country so abundantly, whereby they lived more deli- 
ciously than other. These inhabitants have divers of the 
Sapies which they took in the wars, as their slaves, whom 
only they kept to till the ground, in that they neither have 
the knowledge thereof, nor yet will work themselves, of 
whom we took many in that place, but of the Samboses 
none at all, for they fled into the main. All the Samboses 
have white teeth as we have, far unlike to the Sapies which 
do inhabit about Rio Grande, for their teeth are all filed, 
which they do for a bravery, to set out themselves, and do 
tag their flesh, both legs, arms and bodies, as workmanlike 
as a jerkinmaker with us pinketh a jerkin. These Sapies 
be more civil than the Samboses : for whereas the Sam- 
boses live most by the spoil of their enemies, both in taking 
their victuals, and eating them also, the Sapies do not eat 
man's flesh unless in the war they have been driven by ne- 
cessity thereunto, which they have not used but by the ex- 
ample of the Samboses, but live only with fruits and cat- 
tle, whereof they have great store. This plenty is the oc- 
casion that the Sapies desire not war, except they be there- 
unto provoked by the invasions of the Samboses, whereas 
the Samboses for want of food are inforced thereunto, and 
therefore are not wont only to take them that they kill, but 
also keep those that they take, until such time as they 
want meat, and then they kill them. There is also ano- 
ther occasion that provoketh the Samboses to war against 
the Sapies, which is for covetousness of their riches. For 
whereas the Sapies have an order to bury their dead in cer- 
tain places appointed for that purpose, with their gold about 
them, the Samboses dig up the ground, to have the same 
treasure : for the Samboses have not the like store of gold, 
that the Sapies have. In this island of Sambula we found 
about fifty boats called almadyes, or canoas, which are 
made of one piece of wood, digged out like a trough, but 
57 



450 TRAFFIC IN NEGROES. [book II. 

of a good proportion, being about eight yards long, and one 
in breadtli, having a beak head and a stern very proportion- 
ably made, and on the outside artificially carved, and painted 
red and blue : they are able to carry twenty or thirty men, 
but they are about the coast able to carry three score and 
upward. In these canoas they row standing upright, with 
an oar somewhat longer than a man, the end whereof is 
made about the breadth and length of a man's hand, of the 
largest sort. They row very swift, and in some of them 
four rowers and one to steer make as much way as a pair 
of oars in the Thames of London. 

" Their towns are prettily divided with a main street at 
the entering in, that goeth through their town, and another 
overthwart street which maketh their towns crossways : 
their houses are built in a rank very orderly in the face of 
the street, and they are made round like a dove-cote, with 
stakes set full of palmetto leaves, instead of a wall : they 
are not much more than a fathom large, and two of heighth, 
and thatched with palmetto leaves very close, other some 
with reed, and over the roof thereof, for the better garnish- 
ing the same, there is a round bundle of reed, prettily con- 
trived like a tower : in the itmer part, they make a loft of 
sticks, whereupon they lay all their provision of victuals: 
a place they reserve at their entrance for the kitchen, and 
the place they lie in is divided with certain mats artificially 
made with the rind of palmetto trees: their bedsteads are 
of small staves laid along, and raised a foot from the ground, 
upon which is laid a mat, and another upon them when 
they list : for other covering they have none. In the mid- 
dle of the town there is a house larger and higher than the 
other, but in form alike, adjoining unto which there is a 
place made of four good stanchions of wood, and a round 
roof over it, the ground also raised round with clay a foot 
high, upon the which floor were strewed many fine mats : 
this is the consultation-house, the like whereof is in all 



CHAP. XIX.] TRAFFIC IN NEGROES. 451 

towns, as the Portugals affirm : in which place, when they 
sit in council the king or captain sitteth in the midst, and 
in the elders upon the floor by him, (for they give reve- 
rence to their elders,) and the common sort sit round about 
them. There they sit to examine matters of theft, which 
if a man be taken with, to steal but a Portugal cloth from 
another, he is sold to the Portugals for a slave. They con- 
sult also, and take order what time they shall go to wars : 
and as it is certainly reported by the Portugals, they take 
order in gathering of the fruits in the season of the year, 
and also of palmetto wine, which is gathered by a hole cut 
in the top of a tree, and a gourd set for the receiving there- 
of, which falleth in by drops, and yieldeth fresh wine again 
within a month, and this divided part and portion like to 
every man, by the judgment of the captain and elders, 
every man holdeth himself contented : and this surely I 
judge to be a very good order: for otherwise, whereas scar- 
city of palmetto is, every man would have the same, which 
might breed great strife : but of such things as every man 
doth plant for himself, the sower thereof reapeth it to his 
own use, so that nothing is common, but which is unset 
by man's hands. In their houses there is more common 
passage of lizards like evets, (newts,) and other greater, of 
black and blue colour, of near a foot long, besides their 
tails, than there is with us of mice in great houses. The 
Sapies and Samboses also use in their wars, bows and ar- 
rows made of reeds, with heads of iron poisoned with the 
juice of a cucumber, whereof I had many in my hands. 
In their battles they have target-men, with broad wicker 
targets, and darts with heads at both ends, of iron, the one 
in form of a two edged sword, a foot and an half long, and 
at the other end, the iron long of the same length made to 
counterpoise it, that in casting it might lie level, rather 
than for any other purpose that I can judge. And when 
they espy the enemy, the captain to cheer his men, cries 



452 TRAFFIC IN NEGROES. [BOOK II. 

Hungry, and they answer Heygre, and with that every 
nrian places himself in order, for about every target-man 
three bow-men will cover themselves, and shoot as they 
see advantage : and when they give the onset, they make 
such terrible cries, that they may be heard two miles off. 
For their belief, I can hear of none that they hat^e, but in 
such as they themselves imagine to see in their dreams, and 
go worship the pictures, whereof we saw some like unto 
devils. In this island aforesaid we sojourned unto the one 
and twentieth of December, where having taken certain 
negroes, and as much of their fruits, rice and millet, as we 
could well carry away, (whereof there was such store, that 
we might have laden one of our barks therewith,) we de- 
parted, and at our departure divers of our men being desi- 
rous to go on shore to fetch pompions, which having proved 
they found to be very good, certain of the Tiger's men 
went also, amongst the which there was a carpenter, a 
young man, who with his fellows having set many, and 
carried them down to their boats, as they were ready to de- 
part, desired his fellow to tarry while he might go up to 
fetch a few which he had laid by for himself, who being 
more lickerous than circumspect, went up without weapon, 
and as he went up alone, possibly being marked of the ne- 
groes that were upon the trees, espying him what he did, 
perceiving him to be alone, and without weapon, dogged 
him, and finding him occupied in binding his pompions to- 
gether, came behind him, overthrowing him and straight 
cut his throat, as he was afterwards found by his fellows, 
who came to the place for him, and there found him naked. 
" The two and twentieth the captain went into the river, 
called Callowsa, with the two barks, and the John's pin- 
nace and the Solomon's boat, leaving at anchor, in the ri- 
ver's mouth, the two ships, the river being twenty leagues 
in, where the Portugals rowed : he came thither the five 
and twentieth, and dispatched his business, and so returned 
with two caravels, loaded with negroes. 



CHAP, XIX.] TRAFFIC IN NEGROES. 453 

" The 27th the captain was advertised by the Portugals 
of a town of the negroes, called Bymba, being in the way 
as they returned, where was not only great quantity of gold, 
but also that there were not above forty men and an hun- 
dred women and children in the town, so that if he would 
give the adventure upon the same, he might get an hundred 
slaves; with the which tidings he being glad, because the 
Portugals should not think him to be of so base a courage, 
but that he durst give them that, and greater attempts : and 
being thereunto also the more provoked with the prospe- 
rous success he had in other islands adjacent, where he had 
put them all to flight, and taken in one boat twenty to- 
gether, determined to stay before the town three or four 
hours, to see what he could do : and thereupon prepared 
his men in armour and weapon together, to the number of 
forty men, well appointed, having to their guides certain 
Portugals in a boat, who brought some of them to their 
death : we landing boat after boat, and divers of our men 
scattering themselves, contrary to the captain's will, by one 
or two in a company, for the hope that they had to find 
gold in their houses, ransacking the same, in the mean time 
the negroes came upon them, and hurt many, being thus 
scattered : whereas if five or six had been together, they 
had been able, as their companions did, to give the over- 
throw to forty of them ; and being driven down to take 
their boats, were followed so hardly by a rout of negroes, 
who by that took courage to pursue them to their boats, 
that not only some of them, but others standing on shore, 
not looking for any such matter by means that the negroes 
did flee at the first, and our company remained in the town, 
were suddenly so set upon that some, with great hurt, re- 
covered their boats ; othersome not able to recover the 
same, took the water, and perished by means of the ooze. 
While this was doing, the captain, who, with a dozen men, 
went through the town, returned, finding two hundred ne- 



454 TRAFFIC IN NEGROES. [BOOK II. 

groes at the water side, shooting at them in the boats, and 
cutting them in pieces which were drowned in the water, 
at whose coming they ran all away : so he entered his 
boats, and before he could put off from the shore, they re- 
turned again, and shot very fiercely, and hurt divers of 
them. Thus we returned back, somewhat discomforted, 
although the captain, in a singular wise manner, carried 
himself with countenance very cheerful outwardly, as 
though he did little weigh the death of his men, uor yet 
the great hurt of the rest, although his heart inwardly was 
broken in pieces for it ; done to this end, that the Portugals 
being with him, should not presume to resist against him, 
nor take occasion to put him to further displeasure or hin- 
drance for the death of our men : having gotten by our go- 
ing ten negroes, and lost seven of our best men, whereof 
Mr. Field, captain of the Solomon, was one, and we had 
twenty-seven of our men hurt. In the same hour while 
this was doing, there happened at the same instant, a mar- 
vellous miracle to them in the ships, who rode ten leagues 
to seaward, by many sharks or tiburons, who came about 
the ships: among which, one was taken by the Jesus, and 
four by the Solomon, and one very sore hurt escaped ; and 
so it fell out of our men, whereof one of the Jesus's men, 
and four of the Solomon's were killed, and the fifth, hav- 
ing twenty wounds, was rescued, and escaped with much 
ado. 

" The 28th they came to their ships, the Jesus and the 
Solomon, and the 30th departed from thence to Taggarin. 

" The 1st of January, the two barks and both the boats 
forsook the ships, and went into a river called the Casse- 
noes ; and the 6th, having dispatched their business, the two 
barks returned, and came to Taggarin, where the two ships 
were at anchor. Not two days after the coming of the 
two ships thither, they put their water cask ashore and 
filled it with water, to season the same, thinking to have 



CHAP. XIX.] TRAFFIC IN NEGROES. 455 

filled it with fresh water afterward : and while their men 
were some on shore and some at their boats, the negroes 
set upon them in the boats and hurt divers of them, and 
came to the casks and cut off the hoops of twelve bntts, 
which lost us four or five days time, besides great want we 
had of the same. Sojourning at Taggarin, the Swallow 
went up the river about her traffic, where they saw great 
towns of the negroes, and canoas that had threescore men 
in apiece ; there they understood by the Portugals of a 
great battle between them of Sierra Leone side and them 
of Taggarin : they of Sierra Leone had prepared three 
hundred canoas, to invade the other. The time was ap- 
pointed not past six days after our departure from thence, 
which we would have seen, to the intent we might have 
taken some of them, had it not been for the death and sick- 
ness of our men, which was caused by the contagiousness 
of the place, which made us to make haste away."* 

The writer of the narrative seems to have consi- 
dered that they were engaged in a very holy work ; 
one acceptable to the Almighty God. His account is, 

"The 29th of this same month, (January,) we departed 
with all our ships from Sierra Leone, towards the West In- 
dias, and for the space of eighteen days, we were becalm- 
ed, having now and then contrary winds, and some torna- 
dos amongst the same calm, which happened to us very ill, 
being but reasonably watered for so great a company of ne- 
groes and ourselves, which pinched us all, and that which 
was worst, put us in such fear that many never thought to 
have reached the Indias, without great death of negroes 
and of themselves: but the Almighty God, who never suf- 
fers his elect to perish, sent us the sixteenth of February, 
the ordinary breeze, which is the northwest wind, which 

* Third vol. of Hakluyt, p. 504 to 506. 



456 TRAFFIC IN NEGROES. [BOOK II. 

never Jeft us till we came to the island of the Canibals, 
called Dominica, where we arrived the ninth of March."* 

Hawkins found some difficulty in trading in the 
Spanish islands. The governor of the island of Mar- 
garita refused him license to traffic, and sent w^ord to 
St. Domingo, to the viceroy, who gave orders to 
places along the coast prohibiting such traffic. On 
the third of April, Hawkins anchored at a town call- 
ed Burborata. There he was at first told that they 
were forbidden by the king to traffic with any foreign 
nation upon the penalty of forfeiting their goods ; but 
in the end the governor granted his request for a li- 
cense. There was another thing, the abating the 
king's custom, being upon every slave thirty ducats, 
which he still refused to grant. 

" Whereupon the captain perceiving that they would nei- 
ther come near his price he looked for by a great deal, nor 
yet would abate the king's custom of that they offered, so 
that either he must be a great loser by his wares, or else 
compel the officers to abate the same king's custom, which 
was too unreasonable, for to a higher price, he could not 
bring the buyers: Therefore the sixteenth of April, he 
prepared one hundred men, well armed with bows, arrows, 
arquebusses and pikes, with the which he marched to the 
townwards, and being perceived by the governor, he straight 
with all expedition sent messengers to know his request, 
desiring him to march no farther forward until he had an- 
swer again, which incontinent he should have. So our 
captain declaring how unreasonable a thing the king's cus- 
tom was, requested to have the same abated, and to pay 
seven and a half per centum, which is the ordinary custom 

* Third vol. of Hakluyt, p. 507. 



CHAP, xix] TRAFFIC IN NEGROES. 457 

for wares through his dominions there, and unto this if 
they would not grant, he would displease them. And this 
word being carried to the governor, answer was returned 
that all things should be to his content, and thereupon he 
determined to depart, but the soldiers and mariners finding 
so little credit in their promises, demanded gages for the 
performance of the promises, or else they would not depart. 
And thus they being constrained to send gages, we depart- 
ed, beginning our traffic and ending the same without dis- 
turbance."* 

On the 19th of May, Hawkins came to the Rio de 
la Hacha, where, as at Burborata, he told them they 
might determine either to give him license to trade or 
else to stand to their arms. 

" So upon this, it was determined he should have license 
to trade, but they would give him such a price as was the 
one half less than he had sold for before, and thus they 
sent word they would do and none otherwise, and if it 
liked him not, he might do what he would, for they were 
not determined to do otherwise with him. Whereupon the 
captain weighing their unconscionable request, wrote to 
them a letter that they dealt too rigorously with him, to go 
about to cut his throat in the price of his commodities, 
which were so reasonably rated, as they could not by a 
great deal have the like at any other man's hands. But 
seeing they had sent him this to his supper, he would in 
the morning give them as good a breakfast. And therefore 
in the morning, being the 21st of May, he shot off a whole 
culverin to summon the town, and preparing one hundred 
men in armour, went ashore, having in his great boat two 
falcons of brass, and in the other boats double bases in 
their noses, which being perceived by the townsmen, they 

* Hakliiyt, vol. 3, p. 510. 

68 



458 TRAFFIC IN NEGROES. [book II. 

incontinent in battle array, with their drum and ensign dis- 
played, marched from the town to the sands, of footmen to 
the number of one hundred and fifty, making great brags 
with their cries and waving us ashore, whereby they made 
a semblance to have fought with us indeed. But our cap- 
tain perceiving them so brag, commanded the two falcons 
to be discharged at them, which put them in no small fear 
to see (as they afterward declared) such great pieces in a 
boat. At every shot, they fell flat to the ground, and as 
we approached near unto them, they broke their array and 
dispersed themselves so much for fear of the ordnance that 
at last they went all away with their ensign. The horse- 
men, also, being about thirty, made as brave a show as 
might be, coursing up and down with their horses, their 
brave white leather targets in the one hand and their jave- 
lins in the other, as though they would have received us at 
our landing. But when we landed, they gave ground and 
consulted what they should do, for little they thought we 
should have landed so boldly : and therefore as our captain 
was putting his men in array and marched forward to have 
encountered with them, they sent a messenger on horse- 
back with a flag of truce to the captain, who declared that 
the treasurer marvelled what he meant to do to come ashore 
in that order, in consideration that they had granted to 
every reasonable request that he did demand : but the cap- 
tain, not well contented with this messenger, marched for- 
wards. The messenger prayed him to stay his men, and 
said if he would come apart from his men, the treasurer 
would come and speak with him, whereunto he did agree 
to commune together. The captain only with his armour, 
without weapon, and the treasurer on horseback with his 
javelin, was afraid to come near him for fear of his armour, 
which he said was worse than his weapon, and so keeping 
aloof, communing together, granted in fine to all his re- 
quests. Which being declared by the captain to the com- 



CHAP. XIX.] VISIT OF HAWKINS TO FLORIDA IN 1565. 459 

pany, they desired to have pledges for the performance of 
all things, doubting that otherwise v/hen they had made 
themselves stronger, they would have been at defiance 
with us: and seeing that now they might have what they 
would request, they judged it to be more wisdom to be in 
assurance than to be forced to make any more labours about 
it. So upon this, gages were sent, and we made our traffic 
quietly with them."* 

Hawkins had with him a Frenchman, Martin Ati- 
nas of Diepe, who had been in Florida in 1562 with 
Ribault, and now guided the English along this coast. 
They ranged along it, seeking for fresh water, and en- 
quiring of the Floridians where the French inhabited ; 
they were disappointed at not seeing any habitation 
of the French in twenty-eight degrees, but found the 
ship and two pinnaces at the river of May, in thirty 
degrees and better, and sent Atinas as messenger to 
Laudonniere, at the fort, two leagues up. Two fla- 
gons of wine and some wheat bread, brought by Atinas, 
were very acceptable. Next day, a visit was paid by 
Hawkins, who seeing the wants of the French, sup- 
plied them with meat and other provisions, and of- 
fered them a bark, for which they paid him in ord- 
nance. f 

"Moreover," says Laudonniere, "for as much as he saw 
my soldiers go barefoot, he offered me besides fifty pair of 
shoes, which I accepted and agreed of a price with him, and 
gave him a bill of mine hand for the same, for which until 
this present I am indebted to him. He did more than this : 
for particularly he bestowed upon myself a great jar of oil, 
a jar of vinegar, a barrel of olives, and a great quantity of 

* Hakluyt, vol. 3, p. 512. f Id. p. 347, 8, and p. 516 to 520. 



460 VISIT OF HAWKINS TO FLORIDA IN 1565. [book ii. 

rice and a barrel of white biscuit. Besides, he gave divers 
presents to the principal officers of my company, according 
to their qualities : so that I may say, that we received as 
many courtesies of the general as it was possible to receive 
of any man living. Wherein, doubtless, he hath won the 
reputation of a good and charitable man, deserving to be es- 
teemed as much of us all as if he had saved all our lives." 

In returning, owing to the nature of the winds, 
Hawkins was as far north as the bank of Newfound- 
land, where he obtained a great number of fresh cod 
fish, which gave great relief. After this, with a good 
wind, he came the 20th of September to Padston, in 
Cornwall, with the loss of twenty persons in the voy- 
age, but with profit to the adventurers.* 

*3 Hakluyt, p. 520, 21. 



CHAP. XX.] VOYAGES TO FLORIDA IN 1565. 461 



CHAPTER XX. 

Of the voyage of Ribault from France to Florida in 1565 ; and the 
massacre there of the French by the Spaniards, under Menendez. 

x\fter the departure of Hawkins from the fort, Lau- 
donniere proceeded to get every thing necessary on 
board his vessel ; he was ready to sail, when, on the 
28th of August 1565, certain ships were seen. Ribault 
came in them, bringing a letter from Chastillon, sta- 
ting his appointment as governor, and desiring Lau- 
donniere to return to France. The ships of Ribault 
were brought into the river the 4th of September. 

In the meantime, the proceedings of the French in 
Florida, had attracted the attention of the court of 
Spain. On the 5th of May 1565, the secretary Gon- 
zalo Perez presented to the president of the council 
of the Indias, some lines from the king, in relation to 
his rights to Florida, where the French had built a 
fort. The council was of opinion that the right of 
the King of Spain was very clear; that it resulted 
from the donation of Alexander the Sixth, and the 
taking possession by Angel de Villafane, on the same 
shores and in the port which the French were now 
occupying; and that besides, Guido de las Bazares 
had pursued the same formality in 1558. 

A fleet, (composed of eight ships,) of which Pedro 
Menendez de Abiles was general, sailed from the bay 
of Cadiz the 28th of June 1565. Before it set out, 



462 VOYAGES TO FLORIDA IN 1565. [book II. 

three caravels were sent, at different times, to trans- 
mit to Saint Domingo and Havana the orders of the 
king, as to the conduct to be observed on the arrival 
of the fleet. When the second of these caravels ar- 
rived near the isle of Mona, it is said to have met a 
French vessel, the men on board of which, forced the 
caravel to surrender ; took possession of its papers, 
and read the orders given for the conquest of Florida. 
The Spaniards arrived upon the Florida coast the 
28th of August ; on the 5th of September, five Spa- 
nish encountered four French ships at the mouth of 
a river. The Spanish general said to a French cap- 
tain : "What are you doing upon the lands of King 
Philip ? Leave them, for I do not see what you are 
doing here, nor what you wish to do." The captain 
dispatched a shallop to his admiral. What the former 
said, was not known, but the admiral was heard to 
say in reply : " I am the admiral ; I would rather die." 
Then the French cut their cables, directed themselves 
towards the full sea, displayed the foremast sails, and 
passed in the midst of the Spaniards. The Spanish 
followed the French admiral, summoned him to lower, 
and soon after directed a small culverin to be fired. 
Again there was a summons to surrender, and again 
the reply, rather die than surrender. There was a 
second fire, which carried off five or six men. One 
of the French shallops was taken, and during the 
night the Spanish admiral and captain gave chase to 
the French admiral and captain. Next morning there 
was a great tempest; the Spaniards were afraid to 
continue out at sea, and regained the shore. They 
went to a river, described as about fifteen leagues 



CHAP. XX.] VOYAGES TO FLORIDA IN 1565. 463 

above that of the French ; took possession of the 
country in the name of the king, and built a fort. 
Three shallops were sent out to seek provisions and 
some troops which were on board a galhon and another 
vessel, that had not arrived. Two French ships 
came behind one of the shallops, with the intention 
of attacking it, but the wind enabled the shallop to 
enter a port where the water was not deep enough 
for the French to follow. The gallion and the other 
vessel referred to, sailed, one of them for Spain, and 
the other for Havana. In a severe storm, most of 
the French vessels were lost at sea. 

On the 1 7th of September, the general set out with 
five hundred men, to attack the French. The chap- 
lain, well supplied with that bigotry which it was the 
fashion of the times to mistake for Christianity, ex- 
presses the hope that God will do what is necessary, 
that the Spaniards may propagate his holy Catholic 
religion, and destroy the heretics! On the 22d, there 
arrived a Frenchman, who said that he was one of 
sixteen who had been sent from the French fort eight 
days before, to observe what the Spaniards were do- 
ing ; that the frigate was wrecked at the mouth of a 
river, four leagues more to the south, where fi . '^ ^'°- 
rished then, and the next day three were killed by the 
Indians ; that one of his comrades had attempted to 
regain the port, but he did not know what had be- 
come of the rest. He said there were in all seven 
hundred men in the fort, of whom a third were Lu- 
therans, and they had two priests who preached the 
Lutheran doctrine ; that of the seven hundred, more 
than two hundred had embarked in the four vessels ; 



464 MASSACRE OF THE FRENCH IN 1565. [book II. 

that there were in the camp eight or ten Spaniards, 
of whom three had been found quite naked among 
the Indians, having belonged to a vessel which was 
shipwrecked on the coast long before. The Spa- 
niards afterwards got the fHgate afloat, and brought 
it to their port ; there were seen fifteen bodies of the 
French, who had belonged to the frigate. An hour 
after the frigate arrived, news came of the victory 
over the French. 

" The enemy did not perceive them until the moment 
that they were attacked. As it was a heavy morning and 
rained in torrents, the most part were in bed ; some arose 
in their shirts, others were quite naked and asked for quar- 
ter : notwithstanding, a hundred and forty-two of them 
were killed. The others, who were to the number of 
about three hundred, scaled the walls ; some gained the fo- 
rest ; others took refuge in the ships which were in the ri- 
ver, loaded with wealth ; so that in an hour, the fort was 
in our power, without our having lost a single man and 
without even one being wounded. There v/ere six ships 
in the river: we took one brigantine; and a galliot which 
was not yet finished, as also another ship which had dis- 
charged rich merchandize, were run aground." 

O-^ the 28th of September, they learnt from the 
signs of some Indians, that on the coast towards the 
south, they had seen a vessel which was wrecked. 
The admiral was immediately ordered to arm a shal- 
lop, and go with fifty men thither : the general fol- 
lowed with twelve men, in another shallop. Upon 
reaching the French, one of them came to speak to 
the general. 



CHAP. XX.] MASSACRE OF THE FRENCH IN 1565. 465 

•'He told him of their shipwreck and of the extremity 
in which they were ; that they had not eaten bread for 
eight or ten days. He admitted that all or at least the 
most part of them were Lutherans. Immediately the ge- 
neral sent him back to his comrades to tell them to surren- 
der and bring their arms ; that otherwise, he would put 
them all to the sword. A French serjeant came with the 
response of the enemy : he said, they would surrender on 
condition that their lives were spared. After a good deal 
of talking, our general replied that he would not give his 
word ; that they ought to surrender at discretion and put 
down their arms, because if he granted to them life, he 
wished them to make acknowledgment of it, and if on the 
contrary, he put them to death, they could not complain. 
Seeing they had no other resource, the serjeant returned to 
his camp, and a little time after, all brought their arms and 
their clothes : they gave them to the general and surren- 
dered at discretion." 

It is curious to see in what manner the chaplain re- 
lates the cruel massacre which then occurred. 

" Seeing that all were Lutherans, his lordship took the 
resolution of condemning them all to death ; but as I was 
a priest, and as I had the bowels of a man, I prayed him to 
grant to me one favour, that of not putting to death those 
whom we should find to be Christians. He granted it to 
me. I made some examination. I found of them ten or 
twelve whom we carried away ; all the others were execu- 
ted because they were Lutherans, enemies of our Holy Ca- 
tholic faith. All this took place on Saturday, the day of 
Saint Michael, the 22d of September 1565. A hundred 
and twelve Lutherans were there put to death without 
counting fourteen or fifteen prisoners." 
59 



466 MASSACRE OF THE FRENCH IN 1565. [BOOK ll. 

Such is the account of this inhuman transaction, 
as told by the Spaniards themselves ; such the rela- 
tion of Francisco Lopes de Mendoza, chaplain of the 
expedition of Pedro Menendez, as it is found in a vo- 
lume of pieces on Florida, published at Paris in 1841, 
in the collection of H. Ternaux-Compans. 

In the same volume is the French account ; a re- 
publication of a small book, printed at Lyons in 1566, 
by Jean Saugrain, (a bookseller,) in which the follow- 
ing statements are made : 

On the 3d of September there arrived near our 
shipping, five Spanish ships. At night they spoke to- 
gether. The French asked why, and to what end 
they were seeking them ? They replied that they con- 
sidered them enemies ; that the war was sufficiently 
declared. The French raised their sails, and the Spa- 
niards made chase ; after which, the Spaniards retired 
to the river of the Dauphins. Three of the French 
ships afterwards returning to the road, Ribault dehbe- 
rated on going with these three to find the Spaniards, 
and concluded that he ought to shew himself against 
them on the waters. On the 10th of September, the 
captain embarked, taking not only the soldiers, newly 
arrived, but also the best of those who were there be- 
fore. On the 11th, when the French ships were near 
some of the Spanish, a tornado arose, which separated 
them ; the tempest lasted till the 23d. 

Those who remained in the fort, were composed 
partly of the sick, partly of artizans, and partly of 
women and little children ; the whole numbering two 
hundred and forty souls. Most of these were in the 
fort asleep ; and the guard, having had a bad time all 



CHAP, xs.j MASSACRE OF THE FRENCH IN 1565. 467 

night, had lain down to refresh themselves, when on 
the 20th day of September, in the morning, the Spa- 
niards entered the fort without resistance, and did 
horrible execution : cutting the throats of the healthy 
and the sick, the women and the httle children, so 
that it is not possible to conceive a massacre which 
could exceed it in cruelty and barbarity. Some of 
the French escaped to the ships, in the river. Some 
having reached the woods, six of them thought it 
might be the least of evils to return and surrender 
themselves to the Spaniards. But these six, on com- 
ing out of the woods, meeting some of the Spaniards, 
were seized and treated no better than the rest. The 
French, from whom the six parted in the woods, one 
of whom is the writer of this relation, after much dif- 
ficulty, joined Laudonniere and his party of twenty- 
six persons, and with them reached the ship of cap- 
tain Maillard, near which was another ship. The 
company being divided between the two vessels, they 
sailed on the 25th of September, but were soon sepa- 
rated, and did not meet again. The vessel in which 
the author of this narrative sailed, encountered on the 
way a Spanish ship, but the French got the better of 
it. They landed on the coast of Rochelle. 

Jean Ribault, during five days that he was seeking 
the Spaniards, did not find them, but met the admiral 
of his fleet named the Trinity. In the tempest, these 
two ships W€re driven on the coast below the river of 
May, about fifty leagues by sea and twelve by land ; 
the vessels were broken, and their munitions lost. 
Captain La Grange having thrown himself upon a 
mast, was swallowed up by the waters ; the rest of 



468 MASSACRE OF THE FRENCH IN 1565, [BOOK li. 

the men reached the land. For eight days they suf- 
fered greatly from hunger and thirst. The river of 
the Dauphins, very deep and about a quarter of a 
league wide, was between them and the fort ; they 
could not pass it without a vessel. On the 9th, they 
found a small bark. Ribault, ignorant of the mas- 
sacre at the fort, was of opinion that some of the 
men should go thither in the bark, to inform the peo- 
ple there of the wreck and their condition. Sixteen 
were selected for the purpose. The same day the 
Spaniards came. 

" Our French in such an abyss of anguish, as a last re- 
source, sent some of the company to make an offer to sur- 
render if their lives were spared. The delegates were ap- 
parently received with humanity. The captain of this Spa- 
nish company, whose name was Vallemande, protested on 
the faith of a gentleman, a chevalier and a christian, of his 
good will towards the French ; that they should be treated 
according to the usage which had been in all time practised 
in war when the Spaniards were victorious. He declared so 
that all might be persuaded of this fair promise, that he 
would never do in this place what nations could afterwards 
resent, and immediately caused to be accoutred a bark in 
which five Spaniards passed beyond our people. Captain 
Jean Ribault entered among the first in the bark with others 
to the number of thirty. The reception of him was suffi- 
ciently humane, but the others which were in his company 
were carried far behind him and all tied, two and two, their 
hands behind the back. Then the rest passecl thirty at a 
time, whilst Vallemande was discoursing in fair but hypo- 
critical words with this good captain John Ribault, who re- 
lied simply on the faith of this Vallemande to whom he 
had surrendered. Our men being all passed, were thus tied 



CHAP. XX.] MASSACRE OF THE FRENCH IN 1565. 469 

together two and two, and all went together, French and 
Spaniards, towards the fort. The captain Jean Ribault and 
others, particularly Signer d'Ottigny, when they saw our 
men thus coupled together, began to change colour and 
commended themselves to the faith of Signer de Vallemande 
who assured them saying that the tying was only to carry 
them to the fort in safety, and that there he would keep to 
them what he had promised. As they came very near the 
fort, he began to inquire concerning those who were sailors, 
ship carpenters, gunners and others who would be useful 
for offices of the marine. These being chosen were found 
to number thirty men. Soon after was seen coming from 
the fort a company to meet our people, whom they made 
march behind Vallemande and his company, as you would 
see a troop of beasts which they were driving to slaughter. 
Then to the sound of fifes, drums and trumpets, the cou- 
rage of these furious Spaniards was displayed against the 
poor French who were tied with cords : Then it was to 
whom they should give the best blow with an axe, halberd 
or sword, so that in half an hour, they gained the field and 
bore off this glorious victory, killing villainously those who 
had surrendered and been received on their faith and safe- 
guard. During this cruelty, captain John Ribault made 
some remonstrances to Vallemande to save his life ; even 
Signor d'Ottigny, throwing himself at his feet, reminded 
him of his promise : but all this availed nothing ; for the 
backs being turned, he marched behind them and one of 
his executioners struck from behind with a dagger captain 
Jean Ribault. He fell on the ground and soon after there 
were two or three other blows which ended his life." 

This relation, appears to have been gathered in 
part, at least, from one of the French sailors named 
Christopher Le Breton, of Havre de Grace, who after 
making the voyage with the Spaniards from Florida 



470 MASSACRE OF THE FRENCH IN 1565. [book ii. 

to Spain secretly withdrew from the City of Seville 
to Bordeaux. 

There is a further account of this massacre by Lau- 
donniere, in the third volume of Hakluyt's Collection, 
page 352 to 355. 

Such conduct would scarcely have been ventured 
upon by the Spaniards towards citizens of France in 
time of peace but for the strength of the Catholic 
party in the latter kingdom, and their hostility to the 
Protestants. In this year Philip the Second, in con- 
sequence of the revolt in the low countries, having 
sent thither the Duke of Alba, there was an interview 
at Bayonne of the king and Catharine of Medicis, 
with Philip's queen and the Duke of Alba. Catha- 
rine, under the pretext of the passage of the duke 
into the low countries, caused troops to be raised, by 
way of precaution, she said, against him. The Hu- 
guenots of France as well as of the low countries 
viewed this with distrust. They wished to prevent 
the establishment of the inquisition, and the King of 
Spain was disposed to punish them. The measure 
of Catharine, just mentioned, it has been said, irrita- 
ted those in France and gave rise to the second civil 
war. 



CHAP. XXI.] THE CHEVALIER DE GOURGUE. 471 



CHAPTER XXI. 

Of the chevalier de Gourgue ; his chivah'ous enterprise ; the manner 
in whicii the massacre of the French in Florida by the Spaniards in 
1565 was avenged by him at the same place in 1568. 

In 1567 the Duke of Alba had arrived in the low 
countries and arrested the Count of Egmont and the 
Count de Horn. In France the Huguenots with the 
Prince of Conde and the Admiral de Coligni at their 
head, wished to take possession of the person of the 
king who was at Monceaux ; the queen was informed 
of it and withdrew to Meaux, whence the Swiss, com- 
manded by their colonel, carried the king to Paris.* 

It was in this year that the chevalier de Gourgue 
carried out his singular and chivalrous enterprise, of 
which there is an account in a volume of pieces on 
Florida, published at Paris in 1841, in Ternaux's Col- 
lection ; in the third volume of Hakluyt's Collection, 
page 356 to 360 ; and in Hawkins's Quebec, page 78 
to 85. 

Gourgue was born at Mount Marsan in Gascony, 
and was in the armies of different princes for twenty- 
five or thirty years. When a captain near Sienna in 
Tuscany, he sustained with thirty soldiers the brunt 
of a part of the Spanish army ; here, when his men 
had been cut to pieces, he was taken and put into a 
galley, which going towards Sicily was taken by the 

* " L'histoiie de France," printed at Paris in 1775, vol. 2, p. 533. 



472 EXPEDITION OF GOURGUE IN 1568. [book ii. 

Turks, carried to Rhodes and then to Constantinople. 
It was shortly afterwards recovered by Romeguas, 
commander of the army of Malta. Returning home, 
Gourgue made a voyage on the coast of Africa, 
whence he went to Brazil and the South sea. 

"He had," says Hawkins, "just returned to France from 
one of his voyages, with the reputation of the bravest and 
most able among her navigators, when he heard of the dis- 
astrous tale of La Caroline, and the disgraceful manner in 
which his countrymen had been put to death by the Spa- 
niards. Like a patriot, he felt keenly for the honour of his 
country ; and as a man, he burned for an opportunity of 
satiating his long dormant revenge on the perfidious Spa- 
niards, for their unworthy treatment of himself. At this 
time, too, there was circulated in France a narrative inti- 
tuled, the 'Supplication of the widows and children of 
those who had been massacred in Florida.' calculated to 
rouse the national feeling to the highest pitch. These uni- 
ted motives urged De Gourgue to a chivalrous underta- 
king — no less than to chase the murderous invaders from 
the coasts of Florida at the sword's point, or to die in the 
attempt." 

With funds obtained by borrowing from his friends 
and selling part of his property, he fitted out three 
ships, with from one hundred to one hundred and fifty 
soldiers and eighty mariners, and set forth in August 
1567. At the end of the isle of Cuba, about two 
hundred leagues from Florida, his intention, hitherto 
concealed from his men, was disclosed to them ; their 
ready assent and purpose to cooperate with him, 
were immediately expressed, and they soon reached 
Florida. The Spaniards saluted them with cannon, 



CHAP. XXI.] ASSAULT ON THE SPANIARDS IN FLORIDA. 473 

supposing them of their nation, and Gourgue re- 
turned the salute, that they might retain this impres- 
sion, and he the more easily surprise them. Sailing 
out of their sight, he landed at the mouth of the Seine, 
fifteen leagues from the Spanish fort. The shore 
here was covered with the natives, with whose chief 
Olocatara, a league was quickly formed ; the outrages 
of the* Spaniards upon the Indians, causing a desire 
in them no less than in the French, to be avenged. 
Gourgue, too, had an opportunity of examining Peter 
de Bre, a stripling who had escaped out of the fort, 
while the Spaniards murdered the rest of the French, 
and was brought up by the Indians. All met at the 
river of Sarauaki. Gourgue learned that the Spa- 
niards were four hundred strong, divided into three 
forts upon the river of May, one where the French 
had theirs, and two leagues nearer the mouth, a fort 
on each side of the river. One of these last was the 
subject of the first assault. As soon as Gourgue and 
his comrades had passed over the small river that falls 
down thereby, they prepared for the assault. It was 
on Sunday eve next after Easter day, in April 1568. 

Gourgne "gave twenty shot to his lieutenant Cazenove, 
and ten mariners laden with pots and balls of wild fire to 
burn the gate ; and then he assaulted the fort on another 
side, after he had made a short speech unto his men of the 
strange treasons which the Spaniards had played their com- 
panions. But being descried as they came holding down 
their heads within two hundred paces from the fort, the 
gunner being upon the terrace of the fort,v after he had 
cried 'arm, arm, these be Frenchmen,' discharged twice 
upon them a cnlverin whereon the arms of France were 
60 



474 ASSAULT ON THE SPANIARDS IN FLORIDA. [BOOK II. 

graven, which had been taken from Laudonniere. But as 
he went about to charge it the third lime, Olocatara, which 
had not learned to keep his rank, or rather moved with 
rage, leapt on the platform, and thrust him through the 
body with his pike and slew him. Whereupon Gourgue 
advanced forward, and after he had heard Cazenove cry, 
that the Spaniards which had issued out armed at the cry 
of the alarm, were fled, he drew to that part and so hemmed 
them in between him and his lieutenant, that of three score, 
there escaped not a man, saving only fifteen reserved unto 
the same death which they had put the French unto. The 
Spaniards of the other fort in the meanwhile ceased not to 
play with their ordnance, which much annoyed the assail- 
ants : although to answer them they had by this placed 
and oftentimes pointed the four pieces found in the first 
fort. Whereupon Gourgue being accompanied with four- 
score shot went aboard the bark which met him there to 
good purpose, to pass into the wood near unto the fort, out 
of which he supposed the Spaniards would issue to save 
themselves through the benefit of the woods in the great 
fort, which was not past one league distant from the same. 
Afterward the savages not staying for the return of the 
bark, leapt all into the water, holding up their bows and 
arrows in one hand and swimming with the other, so that 
the Spaniards seeing both the shores covered with so great 
a number of men, thought to flee toward the woods: but 
being charged by the French and afterwards repulsed by 
the savages toward whom they would have retired, they 
were sooner than they would, bereft of their lives. To 
conclude, they all there ended their days, saving fifteen of 
those which were reserved to be executed for the example 
of others. Whereupon captain Gourgue having caused all 
that he found in the second fort to be transported unto the 
first, where he went to strengthen himself to take resolu- 
tion against the great fort, the state whereof he did not un- 



CHAP. XXI.] ASSAULT ON THE SPANIARDS IN FLORIDA. 475 

derstand : in fine a sergeant of a band one of the prisoners 
assured him that they might be there very near three hun- 
dred well furnished under a brave governor, which had for- 
tified there, attending farther succours. Thus having ob- 
tained of him the platform, the height, the fortification and 
passages unto it, and having prepared eight good ladders, 
and raised all the country against the Spaniard, that he 
might neither have news, nor succours, nor retract on any 
side, he determined to march forward. In the meanwhile 
the governor sent a Spaniard disguised like a savage to spy 
out the state of the French. And though he were disco- 
vered by Olocatara, yet he used all the cunning he could 
possibly to persuade them that he was one of the second 
fort, out of which having escaped, and seeing none but 
savages on every side, he hoped more in the Frenchmen's 
than their mercy, unto whom he came to yield himself dis- 
guised like a savage, for fear lest if he should have been 
known, he should have been massacred by those barbarians : 
but the spy being brought face to face with the sergeant of 
the band, and convicted to be one of the great fort, was 
reserved until another time : after that he had assured Gour- 
gue that the bruit was that he had two thousand French- 
men with him, for fear of whom the two hundred and 
threescore Spaniards which remained in the great fort were 
greatly astonished. Whereupon Gourgue being resolved to 
set upon them while they were thus amazed, and leaving 
his standard-bearer and a captain with fifteen shot to keep 
the fort and the entry of the river, he caused the savages 
to depart by night to lie in ambush within the woods on 
both sides of the river ; then he departed in the morning, 
leaving the sergeant and the spy fast bound along with him, 
to show him that indeed which they had only made him un- 
derstand before in painting. As they marched, Olocatara, a 
resolute savage which never left the captain, said unto him 
that he had served him faithfully, and done whatsoever he 



476 ASSAULT ON THE SPANIARDS IN FLORIDA. [book ii. 

had commanded him, that he was assured to die in the con- 
flict at the great fort, wherein nevertheless he would not 
fail, though it were to save his life : but he prayed him to 
give that unto his wife, if he escaped not, which he had 
meant to bestow on him, that she might bury the same 
with him, that thereby he might be better welcome unto 
the village of the souls or spirits departed. To whom cap- 
tain Gourgue answered, after he had commended his faith- 
ful valour, the love toward his wife, and his noble care of 
immortal honour, that he desired rather to honour him alive 
than dead, and that by God's help he would bring him 
home again with victory. After the discovery of the fort, 
the Spaniards were no niggards of their cannon shot, nor 
of two double culverins, which being mounted upon a bul- 
wark, commanded all along the river, which made captain 
Gourgue to get to the hill covered with wood, at the foot 
whereof the fort beginneth, and the forest of wood conti- 
nueth and stretcheth forth beyond it : so that he had suffi- 
cient coverture to approach thereunto without offence. He 
purposed also to remain there until the morning, wherein 
he was resolved to assault the Spaniards by scaling their 
walls on the side toward the hill, where the trench seemed 
not sufficiently flanked for the defence of the curtains, and 
from whence part of his men might draw them that were 
besieged, which should show themselves to defend the ram- 
part while the rest were coming up. But the governor has- 
tened his unhappy destiny, causing threescore shot to sally 
forth, which passing through the trenches, advanced for- 
ward to descry the number and valour of the French, 
whereof twenty under the conduct of Cazenove, getting 
between the fort and them which now were issued forth, 
cut off their re-passage, while Gourgue commanded the rest 
to charge them in the front, but not to discharge but near 
at hand, and so that they might be sure to hit them, that 
afterwards with more ease they might cut them in pieces 



CHAP, xsi] ASSAULT ON THE SPANIARDS IN FLORIDA. 477 

with their swords. So that turning their backs as soon as 
they were charged and compassed in by his lieutenant, they 
remained all slain upon the place. Whereat the rest that 
were besieged, were so astonished, that they knew none 
other mean to save their lives, but by fleeing into the woods 
adjoining, where nevertheless being encountered again by 
the arrows of the savages which lay in wait there for them, 
(whereof one ran through the target and body of a Spa- 
niard, which therewithal fell down stark dead,) some were 
constrained to turn back, choosing rather to die by the hand 
of the French, which pursued them : assuring themselves 
that none of them could find any favour neither with the 
one nor the other nation, whom they had alike and so out 
of measure cruelly intreated, savitig those which were re- 
served to be an example for the time to come. The fort 
when it was taken, was found well provided of all neces- 
saries : namely of five double culverins and four minions, 
with divers other small pieces of all sorts, and eighteen 
gross cakes of gunpowder, all sorts of weapons, which 
Gourgue caused with speed to be embarked, saving the 
powder and other moveables, by reason it was all consumed 
with fire through the negligence of a savage, Avhich in 
seething of his fish, set fire to a train of powder which 
was made and hidden by the Spaniards to have feasted the 
French at the first assault, thus blowing np the storehouse 
and the other houses built of pine trees. The rest of the 
Spaniards being led away prisoners with the others, after 
that the general had showed them the wrong which they 
had done without occasion to all the French nation, were 
all hanged on the boughs of the same trees whereon the 
French hung ; of which number five were hanged by one 
Spaniard, which perceiving himself in the like miserable 
estate, confessed his fault and the just judgment which 
God had brought upon him. But instead of the writing 
which Pedro Menendes had hanged over them, importing 



478 ASSAULT ON THE SPANIARDS IN FLORIDA. [book ii. 

these words in Spanish, '7 do not this as unto French- 
men, hut as unto Lutherans,'' Gourgue caused to be im- 
printed with a searing iron, in a table of firwood, ' / do 
not this as unto Spaiiiards, nor as unto mariners, hut as 
unto traitors, rohhers and murderers.^ Afterwards consi- 
dering he had not men enough to keep his forts which he 
had won, much less to store them, fearing also lest the Spa- 
niard, which hath dominions near adjoining, should renew 
his forces, or the savages should prevail against the French- 
men, unless his majesty would send thither, he resolved to 
raze them. And indeed after he had assembled, and in the 
end persuaded all the savage kings so to do, they caused 
their subjects to run thither with such affection that they 
overthrew all the three forts flat, even with the ground, in 
one day. This done by Gourgue, that he might return to 
his ships, which were left in the river of Seine, called Ta- 
catacouro, fifteen leagues distant from thence he sent 
Cazenove and the artillery by water: afterwards with four- 
score arquebussiers, armed with corslets and matches light, 
followed with forty mariners bearing pikes, by reason of 
the small confidence he v^^as to have in so many savages, he 
marched by land always in battle array, finding the ways 
covered with savages, which came to honour him with pre- 
sents and praises, as the deliverer of all the countries round 
about adjoining. An old woman among the rest, said unto 
him, that now she cared not any more to die, since she had 
seen the Frenchmen once again in Florida and the Spa- 
niards chased out. Briefly being arrived, and finding his 
ships set in order, and every thing ready to set sail, he 
counselled the kings to continue in the amity and ancient 
league which they had made with the king of France 
which would defend them against all nations : which they 
all promised, shedding tears because of his departure, Olo- 
catara especially: for appeasing of whom, he promised 
them to return within twelve moons, (so they count the 



CHAP. XXI.] ASSAULT ON THE SPANIARDS IN FLORIDA. 479 

years,) and that his king would send them an army, and 
store of knives for presents, and all other things necessary. 
So that after he had taken his leave of them, and assembled 
his men, he thanked God of all his success since his setting 
forth, and prayed to him for an happy return. The third 
day of May 1568, all things were made ready, the rendez- 
vous appointed, and the anchors weighed to set sail so pros- 
perously, that in seventeen days they ran eleven hundred 
leagues : continuing which course, they arrived at Rochelle 
the sixth of June, the four and thirtieth day after their de- 
parture from the river of May, having lost but a small pin- 
nace and eight men in it, with a few gentlemen and others 
which were slain in the assaulting of the forts. After the 
cheer and good entertainment which he received of those 
of Rochelle, he sailed to Bordeaux to inform Monsieur 
Monluc of the things above mentioned, albeit he was ad- 
vertised of eighteen pinnaces and a great ship of two hun- 
dred tons, full of Spaniards, which being assured of the de- 
feat in Florida, and that he was at Rochelle, came as far as 
Che-de Bois, the same day that he departed thence and fol- 
lowed him as far as Blay, (but he was gotten already to 
Bordeaux,) to make him yield another account of his voy- 
age than that wherewith he made many Frenchmen right 
glad. The Catholic being afterwards informed that Gour- 
gue could not easily be taken, offered a great sum of mo- 
ney to him that could bring him his head, praying moreover 
King Charles to do justice on him as of the author of so 
bloody an act contrary to their alliance and good league of 
friendship. Insomuch as coming to Paris to present him- 
self unto the king to signify unto him the success of his 
voyage, and the means which he had to subdue this whole 
country unto his obedience, (wherein he offered to employ 
his life and all his goods,) he found his entertainment and 
answer so contrary to his expectation, that in fine he was 
constrained to hide himself a long space in the court of 



480 SPANIARDS IN FLORIDA DESTROYED IN 1568. [''OOK Ji. 

Roan, about the year 1570. And without the assistance 
of president Marigny, in whose house he remained certain 
days, and of the receiver of Vacquieux, which always was 
his faithful friend, he had been in great danger. Which 
grieved not a little Dominique de Gourgue, considering the 
services which he had done as well unto him as to his pre- 
decessors, kings of France."* 

The preceding extract is from Hakluyt, who con- 
cludes his account by saying that Gourgue " died in 
the year 1582, to the great grief of such as knew 
him." Champlain seems also to have been a great 
admirer of his conduct. The account given of the 
expedition, in Champlain's Voyages, closes in these 
terms : 

" Thus did this brave knight repair the honour of the 
French nation, insulted by the Spaniards ; which otherwise 
had been an everlasting subject of regret to France, if he 
had not avenged the affront received from the Spanish peo- 
ple. A generous enterprise, undertaken by a gentleman, 
and executed at his own cost, for honour's sake alone, with- 
out any other expectation ; and one which resulted in ob- 
taining for him a glory far more valuable than all the trea- 
sures of the world."! 

* Vol. 3 of Hakluyt, p. 358. 1 Hawkins's Quebec, p. 85. 



CHAP, sxii] GREENHOW'S COMMUNICATION. 481 



CHAPTER XXII. 

Communication from Robert Greenhovv, Esq., stating that the Spaniards 
in 1566, had knowledge of, and in 1573 visited a bay called Santa 
Maria, in the latitude of thirty-seven degrees ; and suggesting that 
this bay must have been the Chesapeake. 

The following communication to the Historical So- 
ciety of Virginia, from one of its corresponding mem- 
bers, imparts matter of much interest, and new, it is 
believed, to most Virginians : 

" Washington City, May 1848. 

" I have the honour to address to the Virginia Histori- 
cal Society, the accompanying ' Memoir on the first Dis- 
covery of Chesapeake Bay^'' embracing some information 
on that subject, obtained in the course of researches among 
the old Spanish Chroniclers of the New World, for my 
^ History of Florida, Louisiana and Texas,'' now in the 
press. Those works have been most lamentably neglected 
by our historians ; few of whom have, indeed, possessed a 
knowledge of the language in which they are written, suf- 
ficient for such investigations ; and innumerable are the 
facts relating to the countries now included, as well as to 
those about to be included, within the limits of our re- 
public, which still remain unnoticed, though recorded in 
full in those venerable volumes. Some of these works 
have, it is true, been long since translated into English, and 
abstracts of others have been made ; but all so imperfectly, 
that it would be difficult to suppose from them, that the 
61 



482 GREENHOW'S COMMUNICATION. [BOOK II. 

pages of Cortes, Bernal Dias and Herrera, were not less in- 
teresting than those of Froissart, Joinville and Comines. 

" The facts stated in the accompanying memoir, may 
serve to exemplify this assertion ; and I may add, that 
proofs, undeniable, exist of the discovery of the Mississippi 
by the Spaniards, many years before the expedition of Her- 
nando de Soto in 1541 ; notwithstanding which, a picture 
is now in progress, by order of our government, m com- 
memoration of the discovery of the great river hy that re- 
nowned captain, destined to adorn the rotunda of the ca- 
pitol. 

" I will take the liberty, in conclusion, to recommend to 
the Society, in the publication of the Annals of Virginia, 
which is soon to be commenced, while preserving the exact 
words of the old historians, in quotations or extracts, to 
give them in the modern orthography ; as I know, from 
observation, that the ancient orthography will repel a large 
proportion of the ordinary readers, to whom such extracts 
would present all the difficulties of a new language, unless 
this rule should be observed. 

" With the hope that the Society may succeed in the ob- 
jects for which it has been instituted, in rescuing from de- 
struction the historical monuments and records of our An- 
cient Dominion, and in bringing to light those which lie 
hidden in obscurity, 

" I remain, with great respect, 

"Its unworthy corresponding member, 

ROBERT GREENHOW. 

" To the Virginia Historical Society, 

Richmond, Virginia, ' ' 



CHAP, xxii] GREENHOW'S COMMUNICATION. 483 



Memoir on the first discovery of the Chesapeake Bay. 
Communicated to the Virginia Historical Society, by 
Robei^t Greenhow. May 1848. 

" The Bay of Chesapeake is usually supposed to have 
been first seen, and entered by the English, under Gosnold, 
Smith and Newport, who founded the earliest European 
settlement on its waters in 1607, The only allusion to it, 
in any English account of anterior date, appears in the nar- 
rative, by Ralph Lane, of the proceedings of the colonists 
sent by Sir Walter Raleigh in 1585, to occupy the country, 
then first named Virginia, bordering upon the two bays 
now known as Albemarle and Pamlico Sounds. He there 
relates, that an exploring party of English had penetrated 
northward from their settlement on Roanoke island, be- 
tween the two sounds, one hundred and thirty miles, to the 
country of the Chesepians or of Chesepiook ; and he had 
been at the same time told by an Indian king, '*that going 
three days journey in a canoe, np his river of Chawanok, 
(the Chowan,) and then descending to the land, you are 
within four days journey, to pass over land, northeast to a 
certain king's country, whose province lieth upon the sea ; 
but his place of greatest strength, is an island, situate, as 
he described unto me,Mn a bay, the water about the island 
very deep.' The country of the Chesepiooks, here men- 
tioned, we afterwards learn from Smith (page 65) to have 
been on Elizabeth's river, near the southernmost shore of 
Chesapeake bay ; as, indeed, its position and distance with 
reference to Roanoke island, plainly indicate. The bay 
described by the King of Chawanok, could have been no 
other than the Chesapeake ; Lane laments that he had 
not been able to explore it by way of the river, as well as 

*Hakluyl'3 Collection of Voyages, &c. imperfect. Smith's History of Virginia 

original edition of 1589, page 738, or edi- lias been consulted in the original edition 

tion of IGOO, vol. iii. page 255. The copy of 1624. 
of the narrative in Smith's History is very 



484 GREENHOW's COMMUNICATION. [BOOK II. 

by vessels sent along the coast to its entrance ; particularly 
as he was assured, that it yielded ' great store of pearls,' 
and that it received a large river called Moratnc, running 
from the west. 

" This is all that appears on record, concerning the bay, 
in any English authority, earlier than 1607 : nor is any in- 
dication of its existence given, in any map, anterior to that 
date, except in that of the New World, attached to the sixth 
part of Debry's celebrated collection, (1596,) containing 
Lane's narrative, on which a bay is represented, as extend- 
ing to some distance westward from the Atlantic, under the 
thirty-seventh degree of latitude, with a river called Mora- 
tuc entering its upper extremity. The accounts of Ra- 
leigh's colonies had been carefully studied by Gosnold, 
Smith and the other projectors of their expedition ; and it 
is therefore possible, that they may have intended on leav- 
ing England to make the bay mentioned by Lane their 
place of disembarkation. Smith calls it (page 42) their 
' desired port ;' yet he at the same time states, that they 
were driven into it, through the providence of God, by an 
'extreme storm,' after Ratcliffe, one of their captains, had 
proposed to abandon the enterprise, and return to England, 
because they had ' three days passed their reckoning, and 
found no land :' which seems rather to show, that they 
were bound for Wocokon inlet, the entrance to Roanoke 
island. 

"Accordingly in all our histories, the discovery of the 
Chesapeake is attributed to the English, at one or the other 
of the periods here mentioned. When and by whom that 
name was given to the bay. is not directly stated. Stith 
had been informed (page 13 of his History of Virginia,) 
'that Chesapeake signified in the Indian language, the mother 
of loaters, implying that it was the parent and grand reser- 
voir of all the great rivers within it. But this,' he properly 
observes in continuation, ' was a dark and uncertain guess ,• 



CHAP. XXII.] GREENHOW'S COMMUNICATION. 485 

especially considering the unstableness and vast mutability 
of the Indian tongues, and that nobody at present can pre- 
tend to understand their language at that time.' Barbarians 
in fact, very seldom have fixed specific names for places, 
unless they are marked by strong peculiarities. ' The best 
authority,' adds Stith, ' that I have met with for this deri- 
vation, is what a gentleman of credit once assured me, that 
in a very old Spanish map which he had seen, our bay was 
laid down under the name of Madre des acquas [Madre 
de agiias] or some expression to the like purpose.' More 
probably, however, the Chesapeake Indians, inhabiting the 
country on the southernmost side of the bay, between Cape 
Henry and Hampton Roads, were the first people met by 
the English in 1607; and their name may have been trans- 
ferred to the bay, as those of Pamunkey, Potomac and Sus- 
quehannock, were subsequently assigned to the rivers, on 
which the nations so called, respectively dwelt. 

"It would, however, have been strange, that this great 
basin should have remained thus long unknown to the 
Spaniards, who had, as early as 1526, not only explored 
the whole coast, from the Mexican gulf northward, to and 
beyond the thirty-fifth degree of latitude, but had even at- 
tempted to form a settlement about that parallel : consi- 
dering, moreover, that their vessels on the way from Mex- 
ico, and the West Indies to Europe, sailed in the vicinity 
of the main land nearly as far as Cape Hatteras, before 
striking across the Atlantic, and must have been often dri- 
ven much farther in the same direction. But without 
dwelling on these probabilities, there is evidence apparently 
incontrovertible, that the Chesapeake was known to the 
Spaniards, and that an expedition had been made by them 
for the occupation of its coasts, at least twenty years before 
any attempt of the English to establish themselves in any 
part of the American continent. 

" The evidence here mentioned, is contained in the Chro- 
nological History or Annals of Florida, published at Madrid 



486 GREENHOW'S COMMUNICATION. [book ii. 

in 1723, under the title of ' Ensayo Chronologico Para la 
Historia de la Florida. Par Don Gabriel de Cardenas 
Z. Cano.^ The name thus given on the title page of the 
work, is fictitious, being an anagram of that of its real au- 
thor, Don Andres Gonzales Barcia, who did such good ser- 
vice in the cause of American history, by the republication 
of Herrera, Torqnemada, and many other narratives of the 
early discoveries and proceedings of his countrymen in the 
New World, then nearly out of print. The work now in 
question, was composed in great part from original docu- 
ments in the archives of the council of the Indies, and of 
the Franciscan order in Spain, to which he had access ; 
and its extreme minuteness on all points, with little regard 
to their importance, while rendering the book intolerable to 
the general reader, gives it at the same time the highest va- 
lue as evidence, where accuracy is required. On the point 
now under consideration, he says indeed but little ; so lit- 
tle as entirely to dispel all idea, that he could have fabri- 
cated or exaggerated in any respect ; yet that little is suffi- 
ciently clear for the establishment of the fact asserted in 
the preceding paragraph. 

" Every one is acquainted with the dreadful circum- 
stances which attended the foundation of St. Augustine, 
the oldest settlement of Europeans in our Republic, which 
has subsisted to the present day. The blood of the six 
hundred French Protestants, who had sought an asylum in 
that country from persecution in their own land, has sanc- 
tified the ground at the entrance of St. John's river, and of 
Matanzas inlet, where they were coolly murdered, 'not as 
Frenchmen, but as heretics,' by the ruthless Adelantado* 
of Florida, Pedro Menendez, in 1565. But Menendez was 
no common man. He foresaw the absolute necessity of 
extending the dominion of Spain over the adjoining coasts, 

* The title of Adelantado was originally discover, conquer and possess unknown 

assigned to the governors of frontier pro- countries. Menendez was the last who 

vinces in Spain ; in the New World it was bore it. 
held by those who received commissions to 



CHAP. XXII.] GREENHOW'S COMMUNICATION. 487 

in order to prevent them from being occupied by her rivals; 
and having himself explored the peninsula of Florida, with 
that object, he ordered surveys to be made of the countries 
farther north, which were for some years prosecuted by sol- 
diers and missionaries, though with but little advantage. 
In the meantime, however, while lying with his squadron 
in the river of San Matheo, now the St. John, in the sum- 
mer of 1566, 'he dispatched, writes Barcia, (page 119,) a 
captain with thirty soldiers and two monks of the order of 
St. Dominick, to the bay of Santa Maria, which is in the 
latitude of thirty-seven degrees, together with the Indian, 
brother to the cacique of Axacan, (who had been brought 
by the Dominicans from that province, and baptized at 
Mexico, by the name of the Viceroy Don Luis de Velasco,) 
to settle in that region, and to endeavour to convert its in- 
habitants to Christianity.' 

" This province of Axacan, comprised the lower part of 
the present state of North Carolina, towards which the Spa- 
niards were endeavouring to extend their settlements, from 
Santa Helena, near the mouth of the Combohee river, 
where they had formed a large establishment in the pre- 
ceding year. It may be observed, that the Spanish sound 
of this name is scarcely distinguishable from Wocokon, the 
name of the place according to its English pronunciation, 
at which the colonists of the latter nation landed in 1685. 
The result of the Spanish expedition is thus related by 
Barcia (page 123) : 

" ' The captain, who went with the Indian Luis de Ve- 
lasco, to the bay of Santa Maria, was overcome by his 
crew, acting under the influence of the two monks, who, 
accustomed to the delights of Peru and Spain, were not in- 
clined to enter upon a life of labour, privation and dangers : 
and the soldiers needing little persuasion to induce them to 
turn back, made false depositions to the effect, that they 
had been prevented by storms from reaching the bay of 



488 GREENHOW'S COMMUNICATION. [book n. 

Santa Maria. So they sailed with a fair wind for Seville, 
abusing the King and the Adelantado for attempting to set- 
tle in that country, of which they spread the worst ac- 
counts, though none of them had seen it.' 

"Thus it appears, that the bay of Santa Maria, joining 
the Atlantic Ocean, in the latitude of thirty-seven degrees, 
in which the entrance of the Chesapeake is situated — the 
thirty-seventh parallel running just midway between Cape 
Henry and Cape Charles — was so well known to the Spa- 
niards in 1566, that an expedition was made for the pur- 
pose of taking possession of the surrounding country. We 
do not learn that the attempt was repeated. It appears, 
however, from Barcia, (page 146,) that 

" 'In 1573, Pedro Menendez Morquez, governor of Flo- 
rida, for his uncle the Adelantado, reduced many Indian 
nations to obedience, and took possession of their provin- 
ces, for the king, in presence of Rodrigo de Carnon, the 
notary of the government of Santa Helena. Being, more- 
over, himself a good seaman, he had been admiral of the 
fleet, according to Francisco Cano — he, by order of the 
Adelantado, examined the coasts from the cape of Martyrs 
[Cape Sable] and the peninsula of Tequesta, [the southern- 
most portion of Florida,] where it begins to run north and 
south, at the outlet of the Bahama channel, along tjie land, 
to and beyond the port and bay of Santa Maria, which is 
three leagues wide, and is entered towards the northwest. 
In this bay are many rivers and harbours, on both sides, in 
which vessels may anchor. Within its entrance, on the 
south, the depth is from nine to thirteen fathoms,* and on 
the north side, from five to seven : at two leagues from it. 
in the sea, the depth is the same, on the north and the 
south, but there is more sand, within. In the channel, 
there are from nine to thirteen fathoms ; in the bay fifteen, 

* The Spanish braia, or fathom, contains six Spanish feet, equal to about five feet nine 
inches English. 



CHAP. XXII J GREENHOW'S COMMUNICATION. 489 

ten and six fathoms, and in some places the bottom cannot 
be reached with the lead.' 

" Farthermore, after relating the particulars of the go- 
vernor's voyage from the cape of Martyrs to Santa Helena, 
Barcia proceeds thus, (page 148,) with regard to the course 
from the latter place 'to the bay of Santa Maria, in the 
latitude of thirty-seven degrees and a half. He steered 
northeastward, and after sailing a hundred and ten leagues, 
in water of from sixteen to twenty fathoms deep, he passed 
over the edge of a shoal running directly northward, the 
point of which is in thirty-four degrees and three quarters, 
having between it and the land, a passage two fathoms 
deep, but of little width. Continuing towards the east, 
one quarter northeast, he found another shoal, with a good 
passage on the land side ; it is in thirty-five degrees, and 
runs six leagues in the sea, northwest and southeast, to the 
distance of thirty leagues, from the bay of Santa Maria. 
The coast is thereabouts very clear, so that you may sail 
near to the land, and anchor at some distance from it. 
There are on it three or four rivers, one of them very good, 
and three sand islets, like turtle shells or shields, about six 
leagues from the bay of Santa Maria, all three being with- 
in the space of a league. And he [the governor] thus 
went, as I have said, beyond the port and bay of Santa 
Maria.' 

•' This is all that Barcia says of the bay of Santa Maria ; 
and nothing has been found with regard to it elsewhere. 
Those who are familiar with the old historians of America, 
will admit, that the descriptions thus given, are more than 
usually clear and definite, and correspond in a remarkable 
degree, with the true state of the places to which they refer. 
The shoal mentioned in the last quoted paragraph, in lati- 
tude of thirty-four degrees and three quarters, is evidently 
the same which runs out from Cape Look Out in North 
Carolina; and the other shoal, twenty-two leagues farther 
62 



490 GREENHOW'S COMMUNICATION. [book ii. 

northeast, and thirty leagues from the Bay of Santa Maria, 
may be at once identified with that which renders the pas- 
sage around Cape Hatteras so much dreaded by our mari- 
ners. Cape Hatteras is thirty-four leagues from Cape Hen- 
ry, the southern point of the entrance to the Chesapeake : 
that entrance is four leagues in width : the depth of its 
channel varies from six to thirteen fathoms on the south 
side, being much shallower towards the northern point. 
Cape Charles : and as the thirty-seventh parallel runs 
through the middle of this entrance, it appears unnecessary 
to adduce any farther arguments to show that the Bay of 
Santa Maria could have been none other than the Chesa- 
peake. 

"Admitting the identity of the two bays, the question 
occurs, as to the first discovery of the Bay of Santa Maria, 
which was known to the Spaniards in 1566. On this 
point, nothing has been learned. Gomara, in the twelfth 
chapter of his General History of the Indias, published in 
1554, in which he describes the coasts of the New World, 
passes over the whole space between the Cabo de Arenas, 
near the thirty-ninth degree of latitude, probably Cape May, 
and a river situated one hundred leagues farther south. No 
allusion to such a bay is made in any account of any voy- 
age of either of the Cabots, or in the narrative of Verraz- 
zano's expedition, though he certainly passed in the vicinity 
of the entrance of the Chesapeake, and landed not far from 
it on the south, in 1524 ; nor is it mentioned by Herrera, 
whose history ends with the year 1556, nor by Torque- 
mada, nor by any other Spanish historian except Barcia, as 
above quoted. 

" To the utilitarian the question will appear of no impor- 
tance ; nor can any direct advantage be derived from spe- 
culations as to the change which might have been made in 
the fate of the countries bordering upon Chesapeake Bay, 
had the Spanish expedition for their occupation, in 1566 



i, 

i 

CHAP, xxu.] GREENHOVV's COMMUNICATION. 491 

proved successful. The wretched colonies of that nation, 
at St. Augustine and Santa Helena, long prevented the es- 
tablishment of any other people in their vicinity, by main- 
taining a semblance of possession and dominion on the part 
of Spain, which her rivals did not consider it politic to dis- 
turb : and it may reasonably be assumed, that James the 
Second of England, \vould not have readily granted a com- 
mission to his subjects to encroach npon territories held un- 
der similar circumstances, by a power which he was always 
anxious to conciliate. 

'ROBERT GREENHOW. 

" Washington City, May 1848." 

Mr. Greenhow is understood to have been engaged 
tor many years, laboriously, on a history of Florida, 
Louisiana and Texas, and the adjoining countries, 
and to have procured for it a large amount of mate- 
rials ; some of them manuscripts, and others, though 
printed, rare and little known. There is reason to 
hope, that a volume of his history will shortly be made 
public. Any further remarks on the subject of his 
communication, are reserved for the first volume of 
" The Annals of Virginia." 






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